AMBONI CAVES THREATENED

Inside one of the Amboni caves - photo Jacob Knight

The Amboni Caves are one of Tanzania’s less well know tourist attractions, located just 8 km north of Tanga. The most extensive limestone caves in East Africa, formed about 150 million years ago during the Jurassic age, there are altogether ten caves covering an area of 234 km², although only one is accessible for guided tours.

Local people have used the caves as a sacred place for anything up to 600 years, and what appear to be ancient paintings of animal footprints can be seen in some areas, although it is not clear how these were created. The caves certainly have strong significance with the local people, and there are chambers within the caves which are treated as sacred and reserved for worshipping. One of them is called “Mzimu wa Mabavu”, which some believe is the home of a powerful deity who can increase wealth, bring justice, alleviate sickness & sufferings and increase fertility. Bottles with perfumes, oil or blood from sacrificed goats or chicken can be seen at the entrance of the chamber.

Amboni Limited, a company which was then operating sisal plantations in Tanga Region, acquired the area in 1892 and informed the British colonial government about the caves who in turn declared the caves a conservation area in 1922. In 1963, the then government of Tanganyika handed over the caves to the Department of Antiquities.

As well as tourists, the caves attract students for their geography lessons, with examples of stalactites and stalagmites and rocks sculpted into strange shapes from the passage of water. For those with fertile imagination, the guide can point out resemblances of all kinds, including a rock in the shape of a lion at the entrance of the cave, rocks in the shape of a sofa, a ship, a crocodile, an elephant, the US statue of liberty, a statue of mother Mary, and even a map of the continent of Africa !

There are numerous legends associated with the caves, such as a hole which is believed to connect to underground rivers which lead to Mombasa in Kenya. According to one story, in 1914 a European man accompanied by his dog ventured down the hole and disappeared without trace except for the dog which was found dead a few days later in Mombasa. There is also a chamber inside the big cave which was used as a hideout for Osale Otanga and Paulo Hamis, two latter day Robin Hoods who used to steal goods and terrorise foreigners in the region. While the government regarded them as criminals, locals seems to have regarded them as freedom fighters during the struggle for Independence.

However, recently concerns have been growing that the caves are being seriously damaged by blasting in nearby quarries where lime and aggregates are being mined.

Reacting to charges that the government has neglected the historical site, Deputy Minister (Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism), Mr Ezekiel Maige said he is planning to meet with the Tanga District Commissioner’s Office and the City Council to discuss ways of saving the caves.

He said that the Ministry has initiated a strategy to promote tourism in Tanzania, including the Amboni caves. “The Northern Tourism Circuit has been promoted for years while the North Eastern part which includes the Amboni Caves, the East Usambara mountains and the Saadani National Park has not enjoyed the same publicity,” he said. He noted that the Ministry has already taken steps to improve the area as a tourist attraction by reviewing the area legally and increasing its budget, noting “We have already released over Sh30 million for the purpose. We want the Caves to become one of the identities of Tanga”.

MISCELLANY

Banknotes

Bank of Tanzania new currency release in 2011
The Bank of Tanzania has issued a new series of banknotes which will circulate side by side with the current notes which were introduced in 2003, until these are gradually withdrawn from circulation. Changes include the portraits of founders of the Nation, the late Mwalimu Julius Kamabarage Nyerere on the one thousand and the late Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume on the five hundred denominations. The other notes show Tanzania’s wildlife heritage with the Lion, the Rhino and the Elephant. Various new technologies are also included in an effort to curb the problem of counterfeiting.

Ghailani Partially Cleared
Tanzanian Ahmed Ghailani (36) who has been in a New York court charged with taking part in a worldwide terrorist plot, which killed 236 people in the bombing of the American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in 1998, has been cleared of 284 out of 285 criminal counts. The jury found him guilty on November 17 of just one count – conspiring to destroy buildings and property of the US, which carries a minimum sentence of 20 years in prison. Ghailani was captured in Pakistan in 2004, held by the Central Intelligence Agency for more than two years and subjected to so-called enhanced interrogation techniques, which the defence called torture. He was later transferred to the US naval base at Guantanamo – Guardian.

Mkapa for the Sudan
The United Nations Secretary General, Mr Ban Ki-Moon, has appointed former President Benjamin Mkapa the leader of a special panel to monitor the referendum in Southern Sudan. Other members of the panel according to the Citizen are former Portugal Foreign minister Antonio Monteiro and former Nepal Election Commission chairman Bhojraj Pokharel.

New rôle for rats?
Sokoine University of Agriculture in collaboration with ‘Apopo HeroRats’ are looking at prospects of mounting cameras on rats following earthquakes to help in the search for human beings. Dogs can only sniff those lying on the surface. The organisers are looking for funding for equipment including cameras that won’t burden the rats, wireless devices to project the images to a visual device, microphones, torches and also training of the rats so that that they know when to return when they come across a body. It is hoped to use the same concept being used in Mozambique to detect landmines. Over 1.9 million square metres of land of has been returned to the local population there.

Apopo is a social enterprise that deploys rat technology for humanitarian purposes and is currently employing 143 staff in Tanzania and Mozambique and has over 300 rats in various stages of breeding, training or implementation.

The Serengeti Highway
[See background in TA 97] A network of 56 environmental non-governmental organisations asked the government in December not to tarmac a 53 km section of the proposed 480 km Arusha-Musoma highway through the Serengeti National Park as it is an important corridor for seasonal migration of wildebeest. The project has drawn the attention of activists from around the world.

An official from Serengeti Environmental Protection and Development Association said that the majority of people backed the road due to its socio-economic importance – Guardian.

Rise in Pass Rates
53.5% Standard Seven pupils passed the examinations that determine those entitled to join secondary schools. This is an improvement of 4.1% over the previous year. 48% of the successful pupils were girls and 59% boys. Pass rates increased for Swahili (71% compared with 69%) mathematics (25% compared with 21%) and science (56% compared with 53%) – Citizen.

Project Fame
Uganda’s Davis Ntare emerged the winner of Tusker Project Fame reality show in November to claim the KSh5 million ($62,000) prize. Tanzania’s Peter Msechu finished in second place, with Kenyans Stephen Nyabwa and Amileena Mwenesi in third and fourth places respectively. A total of 18 contestants spent eight weeks at the academy and were coached on improving their vocal, instrumental, dance and performing skills.

Lilanga wows Paris

Hermes scarf with Lilanga design at Paris airport - Photo Osei G Kofi www.africancolours.com

As a sign that the “tinga tinga” style has become an internationally accepted art style, Hermes of Paris have brought out one of their famous silk scarves screen printed with a design by the late George Lilanga. Lilanga’s work has been displayed outside Africa since the late seventies, at the Mary Knoll Ossining Centre in New York in 1978 and in a 1985 travelling exhibition that stopped in Austria, Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. He also took part in the landmark “Africa Remix” road show which passed through Europe, Japan and Houston in 2004-2006.

SPORTS NEWS

The 31 strong Tanzanian team returned from the Delhi Commonwealth Games in October dispirited having won no medals. After the boxing team failed to achieve any medals, hopes were high that marathon runners Restituta Joseph, Patrick Nyangero and the Melbourne Games gold medallist, Samson Ramadhan would save the day, but in the end all disappointed. It was the first time in over forty years that Tanzania failed to win any medals at the Commonwealth Games.

The Tanzanian performance was in stark contrast to the Kenyan team which won 32 medals, including 12 golds, and finished as the 6th placed country overall. As well as dominating the long distance running events as expected, Kenyan athletes also featured strongly in the middle distance events, winning gold, silver and bronze in the men’s 800m and gold in the men’s 400m race.

The Tanzanian women’s football team, the Twiga Stars, also dissapointed some in losing all their three matches at the CAF African Women Championships, although this was the team’s first appearance at the event, and they managed to avoid being embarrased by the much more experienced teams from South Africa, Mali and Nigeria.

The men’s team made a good start to their Cup of African Nations campaign by forcing a draw with 2010 World Cup qualifiers Algeria, but a blunt strike force barely threatened Morocco when losing 1-0 in Dar es Salaam in October. This now leaves them in third place in their group, with qualification looking unlikely.
The Tanzanian team lift the CECAFA cup

However, consolation came in December with victory in the CECAFA (Council of East and Central Africa Football Association) Challenge Cup, which is the first trophy the national team has won in 16 years. Tanzania were the hosts for the 16-day tournament, and lost their opening match 1-0 to Zambia. However, they bounced back to defeat Somalia and Burundi and reach the knockout phase where the penalty-taking skills of captain Shadrack Nsajigwa proved crucial. He converted the spot kick that eliminated Rwanda, contributed to a penalty shootout victory over Uganda after a goalless semi-final, and calmly scored again from the spot on 42 minutes to settle the final. The opposing team in the final was a Côte d’Ivoire team consisting of home-based stars as one of three ‘guest’ teams.

“After a lot of criticism, Tanzania proved worthy champions. The team started slowly but improved with each game,” said the 64-year-old Danish coach Jan Poulson.

OBITUARIES

Remmy Ongala at WOMAD in 1989 (photo Ton Verhees)

Remmy Ongala, fondly known as “Dr Remmy” died in December at the age of 63. Born in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Dr Remmy moved to Tanzania in 1977 and joined the Orchestra Super Makassy, until leaving to form his own group Super Matimila. At the height of his popularity in the 1990’s, Dr Remmy was a regular performer at the Womad music festival in the UK.

Dr Remmy’s songs were always thoughtful and often controversial, dealing with subjects such as poverty and Aids. His song Mambo Kwa Socks, a plea for safe sex and for young men to use condoms, was banned by Radio Tanzania, but he continued to perform it at concerts. Kifo deals with the mercilessness of death, saying no matter how rich a person, bribery cannot postpone it.

In 2001, and after suffering a stroke, Dr Remmy became a born-again Christian and stopped performing his dance music, although he did recently make some appearances as a gospel artist. He is survived by his English wife Toni and four children, with whom he lived in a modest bungalow in an area of Dar-es-Salaam named in his honour “Sinza kwa Remmy.”

Abou Ally Semhando “Baba Diana” (50) also died in the same week following a motorcycle accident. Abou Ally was drummer with Dr Remmy’s band Super Matimila, and at the time of his death was manager of the popular band African Stars-Twanga Pepeta.

REVIEWS

Edited by John Cooper-Poole (UK) and Marion Doro (USA)

SOCIETIES, RELIGION AND HISTORY. CENTRAL-EAST TANZANIANS AND THE WORLD THEY CREATED, C.200 BCE TO 1800 CE, by Rhonda M.Gonzales, Columbia University Press, New York, 2009, pp.ix and 257, ISBN 978-0-231-14242-7. £41.00

Forty years ago a conference took place at the University of Dar es Salaam on the historical study of African religion. The book which resulted in 1972, edited by myself and Isaria Kimambo, not surprisingly contained many chapters on Tanzania. Kimambo himself wrote on Upare religion; Marcia Wright wrote on Nyakyusa cults and politics; Edward Alpers wrote about the expansion of Islam in south-eastern Tanzania and north-eastern Mozambique; Gilbert Gwassa discussed the role of Kinjikitile in Maji Maji; and I described Anglican attempts to adapt Makua initiation rites. But though African religious history in Tanzania got off to such a vigorous start for a long time little happened. Tanzanian historiography entered its materialist stage; Gwassa died; I did not finish my books on Masasi Anglicanism or on witchcraft eradication cults; Alpers did not finish his book on Morogoro. The programme stated in The Historical Study of African Religion was not pursued.

Since then the ecological turn in Tanzanian historiography has seen some important publications dealing with religion. In 1996 Greg Maddox, James Gibling and Isaria Kimambo published the edited collection, Custodians of the Land. Ecology and Culture in the History of Tanzania. More recently Alpers’s chapter in The Historical Study has been surpassed by Felicitas Becker’s Becoming Muslim in Mainland Tanzania, 1890-2000 (OUP, 2008). Maji Maji has been comprehensively re-visited in James Giblin and Jamie Monsons’s Lifting the Fog of War (Brill, 2010). But Rhonda Gonzales still thinks it important to go all the way back to The Historical Study of African Religion and to re-state its major argumentative propositions. African religions are not incoherent and ‘primal’; they have histories; they do not derive from political or economic systems. In fact, religion – which she defines as establishing and managing relationships with spirits – is primary. It represents both the longest continuities in Bantu cultures and the most flexible responses to change. Gonzales did not go to Tanzania to study religion but with an Afro-feminist agenda. Central-East Tanzanians themselves taught her what was important.

The chapter in The Historical Study which is most important to Gonzales is not, however, any of the specific Tanzanian case studies but Christopher Ehret’s ‘Language Evidence and Religious History’. At UCLA Ehret became her major mentor. In her book she draws heavily on his methods of historical linguistic reconstruction. She also makes extensive use of recent archaeological work, especially that of the Tanzanian archaeologist, Felix Chami, who has claimed to have discovered the site of Rhapta, the famed entrepot of the Periplus some fifty miles south of Dar es Salaam. But archaeologists deal mostly with potsherds. Language embodies ideas. So even though Gonzales manages to socialize pottery and has interesting pages on it as a female ‘mystery’ in a matrilineal society, it is essentially words which interest her. Very old words for ‘God’ and ‘spirit’; much newer loan words for new sorts of cults or divinities; words for male and female initiands; words for rituals.

She deals with what she calls ‘the Ruvu group of societies’, speakers of ten related languages across ‘a large block of central-east Tanzania’, who are heirs to cultures ‘that have occupied these territories for the past 1,500 years’. She dislikes the notion of ‘hinterland’ since she argues that these societies have interacted with the coast for more than a millennium. She discusses their ideas of divinity, environment, kinship, healing. She is familiar with missionary writing, ethnography and anthropology. I would say that she is more successful in showing continuities than she is in documenting change. The book is hard going. There is little which is individual or colourful. Extraordinarily there are no maps and no illustrations. But it is a very important book which I hope may revive the project of African religious history in Tanzania.
Terence Ranger

STREET DREAMS AND HIP HOP BARBERSHOPS: GLOBAL FANTASY IN URBAN TANZANIA. By Brad Weiss. Indiana University Press, 2009. pp249. ISBN 9780253220752. £15.99.

This ethnographic study of cultural practices provides an insight into the modern tensions that plague the lives of urban male youth in the political economic context of expanding neo-liberal consumerism in Arusha. Focussing on the social and idiomatic dynamics that circulated in and around street side barbershops in central Arusha at the turn of the millennium, Weiss uses these sites and other urban locales as lenses to elicit views of social struggle, identity politics and agency within the local-global conundrum that affects Tanzanians. Founded on the challenge laid down by certain anthropologists, namely to inquire into how human beings ‘construct their intimate, everyday life-worlds at the shifting intersections of here, there, elsewhere, everywhere’ (p. 8), the book seeks to contribute to anthropology’s investigation into globalisation and neoliberalism. Moving beyond the current approach which catalogues the extent to which forces are incorporated into ‘local’ worlds’ Weiss instead reframes neoliberalism as something more than a realm of external relations to which communities respond. This he does by arguing that male youth draw on evolving popular culture to position themselves in the wider world. However, Weiss asserts, this is only achievable, as Tanzanians are well aware, to a very limited degree as Tanzanians remain self-consciously marginalised or even in a relation of abject disjuncture, from an imagined globalised and interrelated world. This liminal positioning, neither fully in, nor fully out, he presents as the lived experience of neoliberalism’s dilemma.
Referring to the structural transformations that have been occurring in Tanzania’s political economy since the 1980s, the broader context he suggests is the ‘sudden crash’ Tanzanians experienced which came at the heels of unprecedented possibilities. These possibilities, though unrealised by the vast majority of Tanzanians as anything but possibilities, made it ‘possible for a broad swath of people to desire signs and styles of a global order while finding ever narrower means by which to satisfy them (p.9).

The book is composed of seven chapters, and an introduction and conclusion. The introductory chapter provides an excursion into the ethnographic setting and the topical challenges. In Chapter 1 Weiss summarises various theoretical vehicles in the study of popular culture ranging through themes of familiarisation, distinction, mimicry, alterity and fantasy as discussed by the likes of Bakhtin, Bourdieu, and Zizek. The following three chapters move through discussions of masculine self-fashioning to humans that can endure modernity’s onslaught. Explorations into hip hop imagery, metaphors and material culture are set alongside discussions of the shared discourses of suffering and pain that infuse understandings of youths’ liminal predicament as quasi-members of an imagined global hip hop culture. The subsequent three chapters explore youths’ struggles to create viable adulthoods where a respectable family and livelihood are understood as pivotal, but how certain popular culture genres (fashion, television watching, and music) become instrumental to these challenges. Chapter 5 centres on young females in Arusha through the analysis of popular culture idioms (hair salons, clothing and music) and the discourses utilised by men to marginalize women and reposition themselves as reproductive agents in a world where men’s productive capacity is tenuous. Chapter 6 describes the importance of soap operas for Arusha’s youth as an educational tool and also as a vehicle for imagining and consuming the world beyond. Music and religion form the focus of the final substantive chapter and here Weiss evinces the importance of ‘localised rap lyrics, Pentecostal Christianity and Islam to discern understandings of a world in crisis. The concluding chapter brings the arguments home and summarises Arusha as seen during Weiss’s final visit in 2006. The book also contains three ‘portraits’ which offer some insights into the lives of certain individuals that Weiss came to know.

Certain weaknesses and lacunae are evident in the lack of a theory of value and attention to conceptualising constructs such as neo-liberalism and the New World Order. Related to the latter is the lack of attention to the notion of continuity and discontinuity. For example, Weiss raises the question of whether the current moment of what is now called neoliberalism is distinctly different or a recurring structural phenomenon affecting social life in east Africa but fails to address it. He opines instead that this is a distinctly difficult problematic with which to engage and in doing so fails to address a pivotal issue for the issues at hand. Those who enjoy anthropology for the sake of ethnography may feel slightly disappointed at the lack of substance for the sake of theory, though, undoubtedly, those with a penchant for anthropology with a heavy dose of theory will enjoy it and may even learn something new. Weiss provides some fresh thinking and contributions to numerous areas of study including cultural studies, youth, neo-liberalism, citizenship, urban anthropology and modernity. Its major strength lies in its generation of ideas about the use of certain theoretical frameworks and their flexibility for future analyses.
Richard Sherrington

CONTEMPORARY DAR ES SALAAM by Muzu Sulemanji, Mkuki na Nyota 2010. ISBN 978 9987 08 077 9. £15.00 + postage. Available from Salma Sulemanji, hugolivia@yahoo.com.

Like the author, Muzu Sulemanji, I grew up in Dar es Salaam, leaving in 1966. Walking around the city centre on my return in 2004, I felt as if I was in a time warp, so little had changed; there was the Askari Memorial, my old school St. Joseph’s, oh and even the Sno-Cream Parlour!

Time marches on though, and with the new economic climate the pace of change has accelerated dramatically. Now, each year when I visit Tanzania I see that yet more familiar city buildings have been demolished, replaced by concrete and glass skyscrapers. So, “Contemporary Dar es Salaam” is a timely publication, being both a social and historic document, capturing images of old landmarks before they are lost forever, and marking not only the bold new modernity but also the faces of the people who inhabit this ever-expanding city.

The colonial heritage and fusion of cultures resulted in a range of architectural styles giving Dar its unique character and this has been carefully recorded in a series of photographs of individual buildings.
Muzu Sulemanji has explored the city with his camera from all angles. He presents a broad spectrum of life in Dar, illustrating its colour and variety whilst also showing the extremes of wealth and poverty that exist in all cities. The harshness of street life contrasts with the opulent interiors of expensive hotels, casinos and certain private homes; new high-rise blocks tower above the corrugated iron or makuti rooftops of their neighbours.

The people of the city are celebrated, in all their various walks of life, at work and play, from the colourful and crowded Kariakoo Market to a lone cyclist in the rain, from goat racing to snake dancing.
This is essentially a picture book, with an absolute wealth of images on 96 pages and an interesting potted history of the city by Ghalib Jafferji. The standard of photography is excellent, although with multiple images on almost every page I would have liked some of the captions to be presented a little more clearly.
The author describes his book as “a love letter to both the old and the new” and quotes the wise man who once said “….in this great future, you cannot forget your past”. I’m being sentimental I know, but what a disappointment last year to find that Sno-Cream had vanished too!
Patricia Cumberland-Derrick

DAR ES SALAAM 1963, A NEW GRADUATE ENCOUNTERS AN EMERGING AFRICAN NATION. By Tom Torrance. General Store Publishing House, Renfrew, Ontario, Canada 2010. 150pp ISBN 978-1-907508-73-2 $19.95 Cdn. + postage. Order from Amazon or kttorrancerogerscom.

In the 1960s many idealistic young people wanted to offer their services to help fight poverty in the third world. Voluntary Service Overseas was started in the UK in 1958, the US Peace Corps in 1960 and the Canadian University Service Overseas in 1961. All received financial support from their governments, but Tom Torrance, a young Canadian economics graduate, decided to go it alone. In January, 1963 he travelled to Tanganyika at his own expense, having obtained a temporary position on local terms as a junior economist in the Treasury at a salary of £798 a year. This highly readable book is an account in anecdotal form of his first three months in Dar es Salaam. He describes his experiences as a self–confessed greenhorn in an environment that could not have been further removed from his hometown in Ontario.

The book consists of thirty six vignettes that have been fashioned from notes jotted down on scraps of paper, diary entries and, most importantly, letters home. As the author explains, this book would never have been written had it not been for members of his family who kept all the letters he wrote to them from Africa. Although he describes himself as having been shy and insecure, it must have taken considerable pluck to leave his Canadian government job in Ottawa, his family and his girlfriend to work in newly independent Tanganyika. As his friend writes in the foreword, “He stepped off the edge and ventured fully into the unknown.”

Initially, the unknown territory consisted of the Salvation Army camp at Mgulani where he was lodged in a ‘little banda in the corner” at what he considered an unacceptably high rent of twenty shillings a day for room and board. The book starts with a wryly humorous description of his accommodation; his efforts to cope with the unaccustomed tropical heat; the library with its tattered sofas and dog-eared books and magazines and his meeting with the camp director who spells out the strict rules of conduct enforced by Ali the Askari.

He goes on to describe the problems he faces in his job at the Treasury where he learns that he will be responsible for labour issues. He tours Dar es Salaam with James, a trainee magistrate and a fellow resident at Mgulani, who helps him discover the realities of making a living in the city and the complexities of the informal sector.

The camp accommodated people from a variety of backgrounds and during his short stay there Tom befriends many of them: there is Tanganyika Standard journalist Jack Hattersley; old Africa hand Rufiji Barker; Musa the mystery man, Robert the UN diplomat and Joan Wicken, personal assistant to President Nyerere, who not only explains the meaning of African Socialism and ujamaa but also shows Tom where he can buy fish and chips in town.

Readers who knew Dar es Salaam in the sixties will be reminded of the Long Bar at the old New Africa Hotel and the Roof Garden at the Metropole Hotel, both now sadly demolished. Tom also describes visits to the Avalon Cinema and the Canton Chinese Restaurant and when he acquires a bicycle he explores other parts of the city. (He feels uncomfortable in the affluent suburb of Oyster Bay.) He meets an old fisherman on one of his expeditions and resolves to take Swahili lessons, the better to communicate. Unfortunately, his exploring comes to an end when his bicycle is stolen from outside the British Council but he makes friends with the recently arrived members of the Peace Corps who invite him along on their outings, including one to Bagamoyo in search of a ghost.

The twenty-three year old Tom Torrance comes across as a serious, highly principled but inexperienced young man, sometimes painfully honest, especially when it comes to his attempts at romance. When he receives a formal invitation to attend a drinks party at the residence of the Ford Foundation representative he readily admits that it is the first formal invitation he has received in his life “except for an invitation to a wedding in Canada’. He is not keen on the idea of attending an “expatriate cocktail party” but goes along anyway. After a couple of beers, he loses enough of his shyness to engage in a little self-promotion that would eventually lead to a transfer to the Ministry of Development and Planning and later to a post with the ILO in Geneva.

It is not unusual for a book of reminiscences to reveal as much about the writer as about the incidents he describes. This book traces how a young man’s experiences in Africa began to transform his attitudes; how his preconceived ideas were shattered and how he began a journey of self-discovery that changed his outlook on life and convinced him that the inherent worth of each individual was paramount. Those who remember Dar es Salaam in the sixties will find this a very enjoyable read and it will also appeal to the general reader with an interest in the early years of Tanganyikan independence.
Gloria Mawji

TANZANIA IN TRANSITION; FROM NYERERE TO MKAPA. Havnevik, K and Isinika, C. (eds); Published by Mkuki na Nyota and The Nordic Africa Institute 2010. pp284. ISBN 978-9987-08-086-1. £24.99. Available from African Books Collective www.africanbookscollective.com.

This is an interesting book in which a range of Tanzanian, Nordic and other European academics contribute articles which the editors bring together to make a coherent case that there was less transformation in Tanzania during Mkapa’s presidency than is sometimes claimed – not least by international donors. There is a helpful reappraisal of Nyerere’s development model, which was sometimes praised uncritically in its early years, and then unfairly condemned as a total failure in the 1980s. The achievements which continue to have an impact on Tanzania today – such as the peace and stability sadly lacking in neighbouring countries – are revisited.

The authors provide evidence that more of Nyerere’s legacy – positive and negative – remained during Mkapa’s presidency than is sometimes perceived. Economic liberalisation has seen significant increases in GDP, yet agricultural productivity actually decreased, and rural poverty remains – it is sectors like mining and tourism which have grown. Brian Cooksey provides a fascinating chapter on corruption – reading the left-hand column of his tables shows progress in tackling this (heralded by some donors) while the right-hand tables show no improvement, even a worsening situation in some cases. As with Nyerere’s era, you can find selective evidence on both sides, to support opposing ideological perspectives.

Other chapters cover agrarian-land, gender and forestry issues, development strategy and ideology, aid and development assistance and political change. There are some positive signs, but no major transformation. With CCM’s dominance continuing and the opposition fragmented, multi-partyism is seen to have had little impact, other than in Zanzibar.

Many TA readers will find the book interesting but may not be surprised by its conclusions. Academic language could be a barrier in a few chapters, but the book will be of interest to general readers as well as researchers. In summary; perceptions may change, but the reality faced by most Tanzanians has changed far less.
Nigel West

REVIEW CONTRIBUTORS
Patricia Cumberland-Derrick lived in Dar es Salaam from 1952 to 1966. After leaving St. Joseph’s Convent School she worked briefly as secretary to Sir Andy Chande at Chande Industries in Dar es Salaam. She is an artist and performer in the UK and presented an exhibition on the Tanganyika Groundnut Scheme at Hornsey Library in London in 2005.

Gloria Mawji is a British expatriate who has lived in Dar es Salaam for over thirty years. She taught at the International School of Tanganyika and has a particular interest in local history.

Terence Ranger was the first Professor of History at the University College of Dar es Salaam, 1963-1969. He has been a member of the Britain Tanzania Society for thirty years. He is currently Emeritus Professor at the University of Oxford. His main contribution to the historical study of African religion is his book about the high-god shrines in the Matopos, Voices From the Rocks, James Currey, Oxford, 1999.

Richard Sherrington holds a PhD in Social Anthropology and undertook his doctoral and subsequent post doctoral research in rural and urban Tanzania. Currently he is a senior consultant with Environmental Resources Management (ERM UK) and an Associate Researcher at the Centre for African Studies, University of Cambridge.

Nigel West worked as an Education Advisor for Oxfam from 1984 to 1995 and made two study tours to Tanzania, which informed the development of teaching materials for UK schools. He currently coordinates a community health programme in Sheffield, delivered by volunteers in disadvantaged communities, which has also drawn on his experience in Tanzania.

OCTOBER 2010 – ELECTION GUIDE

As this issue of Tanzanian Affairs goes to press the country is gripped by election fever. At stake in the elections scheduled for October 31 2010 are the presidency and vice-presidency of the United Republic, the presidency of Zanzibar, hundreds of seats in the National Assembly and the Zanzibar House of Representatives, and thousands of seats for local councillors.

It is hoped that next issue of Tanzanian Affairs will contain an account of the final stages of the election campaigns and a summary of the results.

Changes
Since the last elections in 2005 there have been a number of changes in organisation and procedures in the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party aimed a making them more open and democratic. For example, the Party, which has ruled the country for almost 49 years, and has always ensured a tight control over selection of party election candidates by its Central and National Executive Committees (CC and NEC), has relaxed its grip this time. Candidates voted in by the people at primary elections have been approved by the party hierarchy in most cases. However, the earlier tight control, with its nationwide network of party cells and its quite remarkable – almost unique – skill in squelching any individual or group wanting to deviate from the party line, has given Tanzania years of unity and peace which must be the envy of troubled neighbouring countries.

However, with the passage of time, people are beginning to reveal their discontent with the status quo and are beginning to protest more vigorously than they have before so that some election meetings this time had to be cancelled midway and candidates have been verbally attacked on a far greater scale than before. This has made for very lively election meetings.

Efforts have been made also to reduce the rampant corruption evident in elections in the past. It has become a tradition for candidates, more numerous than ever this time, desperate to retain or gain power, to distribute money or other bribes to voters. This time however they found officers of the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB) at most of the primary election centres. Some were shocked to find themselves being arrested as they tried secretly to hand out bribes to voters.

THE MAIN CANDIDATES

THE UNITED REPUBLIC – presidential candidates:
CCM – President Jakaya Kikwete for a second term.
– For Vice President – Dr Ghalib Bilal.
CHADEMA – Dr Wilbroad Slaa.
– For Vice President – Saidi Mzee Saidi.
CUF – Professor Ibrahim Lipumba.
– For Vice-President – Juma Duni Haji.
There are a number of candidates from smaller parties also running.

ZANZIBAR – presidential candidates

CCM – Presidency: Dr Ali Mohammed Shein.
CUF – Presidency: Seif Shariff Hamad.
Candidates from seven parties qualified for the Isles’ presidency and most are likely to stand in the election. They are the representatives of CUF, CCM, NCCR, TADEA, NRA, AFP and Jahazi Asilia.

Dividing power

An example of the skill with which the CCM party hierarchy controlled and distributed power amongst the top candidates in the elections was seen in the selection for the top positions – the presidency and vice-presidency of the United Republic (one of whom must come from the Isles) and the presidency of Zanzibar.

For the Tanzanian presidential candidate only two candidates submitted their names and one subsequently withdrew. The party then chose President Kikwete for a second term, virtually unanimously.

Dr Ghalib Bilal (right) greets CCM supporters at the start of the campaign

For the two top posts in Zanzibar it was more competitive as eight leaders submitted their names. Among them were Chief Minister Shamsi Nahodha, former Chief Minister Dr Ghalib Bilal, Ambassador Ally Karume and Minister Ally Juma Shamhuna. After much speculation in the press, the final decision of the party’s NEC came as a surprise to many. It was important that Pembans, who normally vote overwhelmingly against the CCM, should be well represented, so the current Vice-President of Tanzania, Dr Ali Mohamed Shein, a Pemban, got the nomination for the presidency of Zanzibar. The Swahili media gave the impression that he was chosen because he has been working well with President Kikwete for the last five years and would be a ‘safe pair of hands’ in any future disputes between the mainland and the Isles.

It was also important for prominent political leader Dr Ghalib Bilal, who had tried for the presidency before, to be given a top job. He therefore became the candidate for the vice-presidency of Tanzania. The choice of Dr Bilal was politically astute as former Zanzibar President Salmin Amour, who retains much influence in the Isles, was said to prefer him. It ensured that he and his many followers would remain loyal to the central government.

The Zanzibar referendum

This Zanzibar election will be different from the previous three, the results of which were widely questioned, as, in a referendum held just before the election campaigns began, the people of Zanzibar voted in favour of an agreement between the two main parties under which, whatever the result, the next government would be a coalition.

In the referendum all 18 constituencies in Pemba voted ‘yes’ but in Unguja 8 out of 32 constituencies voted ‘no.’ In total 188,705 voted in favour of the proposal, while 95,613 rejected it. Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC) Chairman Khatib Mwinyichande announced the results at Bwawani centre to cheers of “Ndiyo! Ndiyo! Ndiyo!” (Yes! Yes! Yes!) from a big crowd that had waited for the outcome for several hours.

In addition to the discussions on the referendum the Zanzibar House of Assembly debated a constitutional amendment to give Zanzibar the status of a state which was contested initially because it was thought to be a violation of the Constitution of the United Republic.

The amendment read: ‘Zanzibar is a state whose boundaries include the islands of Unguja and Pemba, formerly known as the People’s Republic of Zanzibar.’ All the 75 MP’s from both CCM and CUF voted for this amendment. This cleared the way for the Isles to have a government of national unity to end the long standing political antagonism between the two parties.

A power-sharing government will be formed after the October elections, and will include the President from the wining party, a First-Vice President from the second-placed party and a Second Vice-President from the wining party. The Second-Vice President will be the leader of government business in the House of Representatives. The cabinet will comprise ministers from all political parties depending on the number of seats their party wins in the elections. The post of Chief Minister is to be abolished in the new set-up – Guardian

The opposition fails again

The 18 opposition parties have once again failed to take advantage of an increasing pressure from voters for change. Instead they have devoted a large part of their energy and resources to fighting each other instead of combining to fight against the monolithic ruling party.

Of the opposition parties only two are of real significance – The Chama cha Maendeleo (CHADEMA) because of its growing influence on the mainland and the Civic United Front (CUF) which, in previous elections in Zanzibar, has run neck and neck with the ruling CCM party.

Although CHADEMA agreed not to oppose CUF in the elections for the presidency of Zanzibar there was little or no sign of reciprocity by CUF on the mainland.

The policies

Traditionally, Tanzanian elections are based largely on the character of the individual rather than on party policy. But examination of the early speeches in the campaign gave an indication of some policy differences.

PRESIDENT KIKWETE AND CCM

Readers of Tanzanian Affairs will be familiar with the major policies of the ruling party and these are unlikely to change in the future. They include preservation of law and order including protection of the Albinos, encouragement of foreign investment, pursuit of those alleged to be involved in corruption, continued expenditure on social services and improvements in health and education.

The current president began his campaign by addressing five rallies a day, using two helicopters. His speeches were carefully adjusted for each audience and the promises for the future were numerous. Less frequent were explanations on how these promises would be paid for. – Habari Leo.

DR SLAA AND CHADEMA

CHADEMA chairman Freeman Mbowe (left) hands the presidential candidate forms to Dr Wilbroad Slaa (centre) at a rally in Karatu. Right is Prof Mwesiga Baregu, chairman of the campaign committee (source Yahya Charahani).

Dr Wilbroad Slaa has 15 years of experience as CHADEMA MP for Karatu. He became well known for putting out a ‘list of shame’ in 2007 naming allegedly corrupt ministers and key party officials, which prompted a series of legal threats against him by those accused. Despite vows that they would sue him for defamation, none of them went to court and the ‘list of shame’ was deemed accurate, earning Dr Slaa credibility as an anti-graft crusader in a country where corruption is said to eat up a third of the nation’s annual $9.0 billion budget.

Dr Slaa told thousands of chanting CHADEMA supporters at the launch of his party’s campaign that, if elected, he would, during his first 100 days in power, mainly focus on restoring accountability, integrity and trust within the government. He said his administration would not tolerate corruption, embezzlement of public funds and misuse of the country’s natural resources. Dr Slaa said Tanzania was poor and underdeveloped largely due to poor leadership and weak policies and the plunder of natural resources such as minerals and wildlife. “Under my leadership, the issue of corruption will be history…we will take tough measures against corrupt leaders…. We will not tolerate the plunder of our natural resources by the so-called foreign investors, who instead of revamping privatised entities turn them into mere godowns,” he said. He went on to say that implementation of the 2010 CHADEMA manifesto, which has been dubbed “Hatudanganyiki” (We will not be cheated), was the surest way to deal with these shortcomings.

His manifesto focuses on ensuring quality social services, such as education, water and health for all Tanzanians. His administration would offer free education from Standard One to Form Six and he would revamp agriculture, establish a robust industrial base, create better paying jobs, enhance security and develop sports and culture. Again, it was difficult to detect how these would be paid for.

He said that that government expenditure was excessive and disproportionate (President Kikwete had squandered Shs 23 billion on refurbishing State House). He promised to start by trimming his own salary if elected. Payments of allowances and salaries would have to be cut back by 20% starting with the President and regional commissioners.

Parliamentary and senior officials’ salaries would be slashed by 15%. Slaa pledged to expand the tax base while doing away with the rampant tax exemptions. He pledged to ban official posh cars, and reform the land law. He promised to remove taxes on construction materials to enable Tanzanians in rural and urban areas to build decent houses – Majira.

Whether by coincidence or not, the CCM party has nominated a person known as Willbard Slaa to vie for Dr Wilbroad Slaa’s parliamentary constituency, Karatu, in the Arusha region. CHADEMA fears that this may confuse some voters who in the past 15 years have been used to the name ‘Slaa’ as their MP.

Postscript: It is said that Dr Slaa did not want to take on the virtually impossible task of trying to unseat President Kikwete because it would mean that he would lose his safe parliamentary seat. The Swahili press has been alleging that, in agreeing to be persuaded by his Chairman, Freeman Mbowe, who wanted to stand for Parliament rather than try for the presidency, Slaa insisted that CHADEMA should pay him funds equivalent to what he would have earned as an MP over five years.

PROFESSOR LIPUMBA AND CUF

Professor Lipumba

Professor Ibrahim Lipumba, who has attempted three times unsuccessfully to become the country’s president, has spent many years as a lecturer in economics at the University of Dar es Salaam.

He said the country was at a crossroads and needed new leadership. Shs 11 trillion had disappeared since President Kikwete entered office in 2005. “This is equivalent to the total government budget this year….When he took power he promised to deal with corruption but what happened had been delusion and deception. The real culprits have gone free while those taken to court were facing diluted charges which eventually might be dropped.” He cited examples of the soaring cost of living and presented his elections manifesto, promising a new constitution and a government of national unity. He also challenged Kikwete to have a live debate so that people could decide how to vote. The President refused. Significantly, to put fears at rest, he said that he would strengthen the Union between Zanzibar and the mainland – Mwananchi.

THE Civic United Front (CUF) has nominated 120 candidates from the Mainland and 50 from the Isles to vie for Union parliamentary seats. It has also nominated 50 others from the Isles to contest seats in the Zanzibar House of Representatives.

CUF National Chairman Lipumba said that his party had invited CCM members who lost in the election primaries wishing to join CUF but added that there would be no automatic nominations for various leadership positions in the party.

He claimed that he cherished the idea of an alliance among the opposition parties, saying it was the best approach to challenge the ruling party more strongly, but insisted that he (Prof Lipumba) was the best candidate for the union president with a vision for change. However, he wished Dr Wilbroad Slaa all the best in his bid for the presidency.


Several ministers and over 70 former MP’s lose

MP’s unsuccessful in the primaries included Minister for East African Affairs Dr Deodorus Kamala (Nkenge), Deputy Minister for Fisheries and Livestock Development James Wanyancha , Deputy Minister for Health and Social Welfare Dr Aisha Kigoda, Deputy Minister for Education and Vocational Training Mwantumu Mahiza, Deputy Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism Shamsa Mwangunga and Deputy Minister for Information, Culture and Sports Joel Bendera (Korogwe Urban). Former Planning Minister Dr Juma Ngasongwa (Ulanga West) also lost.

Other prominent MP’s who lost included Joseph Mungai (Mufindi North), Dr Ibrahim Msabaha (Kibaha Rural) Prof Philemon Sarungi (Rorya), John Shibuda (Maswa), Felix Mrema ( Arusha Urban), William Shelukindo (Bumbuli), – Guardian on Sunday.

Some ten CCM MP’s said to have ‘ganged up’ against prominent CHADEMA MP Zitto Kabwe (Kigoma South) and caused his suspension from parliament in 2007, have been defeated in the CCM primaries. They spoke vehemently against a private motion that was tabled by Kabwe on an issue at Buzwagi gold mine and demanded that he be punished. Subsequently, Kabwe was suspended but not before he cursed them, predicting that they would not be returned in 2010. Kabwe’s prophesy seems to have been fulfilled and now he has the last laugh – Tanzania Daima.

Four ministers returned unopposed

Four cabinet ministers, including Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda, the Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Minister, the Minister for Water Prof. Mark Mwandosya and Ms Celina Kombani, Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office, have been returned to parliament unopposed. Altogether CCM is starting off the elections with a lead of 13 unopposed MPs. Opposition parties have protested in some cases – Habari Leo.

A few of the hundreds of election ‘incidents’

The PCCB held a CHADEMA candidate over an alleged Euro 1,000 bribe in Musoma. Again, there were many similar cases – Nipashe.

CCM Secretary General Yusuf Makamba said that CHADEMA’s presidential candidate Wilbroad Slaa could not be trusted to respect the presidential oath of office while he failed to stand by the oath he took as a priest. Makamba said: “He took the oath of obedience and chastity but he broke it. He got married and then divorced his wife and now he goes around introducing his fiancée at rallies. How can he be trusted to run the country?” – Habari Leo.

CCM (as also the Chief Justice) condemned CHADEMA for bringing up at an election rally the case of the Shs 133 billion embezzlement from the External Payment Arrears (EPA) account in the Bank of Tanzania (BoT). Kikwete’s campaign manager said that CCM was not responsible but certain individuals were. “The matter was sub-judice and so it should not have been raised at the rally” he said – Mwananchi

President Kikwete greets crowds in Mbeya. Photo Freddy Maro

In Tunduma, Presidential candidate Jakaya Kikwete had a difficult time while addressing a rally when the people indicated that they would vote for him but not vote for his CCM candidate as MP. After speaking for 15 minutes Kikwete had to cut short his speech and even the party’s musical troupe (TOT) could not calm the noisy crowd and had to stop playing. Other similar incidents have occurred at other places – Majira

CUF suffered a blow in its one time stronghold in the Lake Zone – Bukoba Urban Constituency – when its local leader and former CUF MP Lwakatare defected to CHADEMA in 2008. CUF admitted that they were facing difficulties due to what they described as foul play by CHADEMA youths and leaders. “These leaders are doing all they can to tarnish CUF’s image and are provoking us to react negatively” said a spokesman. The ‘Daily News’ reported the flags of CHADEMA flying near CUF’s flags in several places and at one CUF branch, CHADEMA placards were placed on the wall of a house flying CUF’s flag. A CHADEMA spokesman said: “Akili ni nywele, kila mtu ana zake” loosely meaning everyone has their own way of doing things.

CUF speakers have pointed out that Tanzania was in the bottom ten percent of the world’s economies in terms of per capita income, with an estimated Gross Domestic Product of $22.1 billion or $550 per capita.

John Malecela

The most spectacular casualty in the CCM primaries was veteran CCM statesman and former Prime Minister and High Commissioner in London, John Malecela, who was defeated at Mtera by a young and upcoming politician called Livingstone Lusinde. The NEC sustained Lusinde’s victory after former President Ali Hassan Mwinyi was reported to have asked NEC members to uphold the primary results.

CCM candidates queried

Several CCM candidates are facing objections on grounds of nationality or forgery of documents and CHADEMA and CUF have filed objections – Habari Leo.

Private candidates

The government has won again in its determination not to allow independent candidates to stand for election. The Court of Appeal has ruled that the private candidates issue can only be settled by parliament which has jurisdiction to amend the constitution.

Registration of CCJ delayed

The Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office, Philip Marmo has said that the party set up four months earlier to oppose CCM, the CCJ, would not get permanent registration before the October elections because the Registrar of Parties had no funds to carry out the process of verifying CCJ membership, as required by law. The CCJ is one of six parties waiting to be registered – Tanzania Daima.

Mkullo – “I am a citizen”

Finance Minister Mustafa Mkullo, who is standing for the Kilwa seat in parliament, said he was surprised by allegations by some elders that he was a citizen of Malawi. “If I am really a foreigner, how come they didn’t question my nationality in 2005? I am confident because I was born in Kimamba and raised in Kilosa,” he declared. He had emerged winner in the primaries with 6,000 votes – Nipashe.

Impartiality

The Tanzania Media Council (MCT) has issued a statement condemning media outlets that are used as agents of political parties, calling upon journalists to stop wearing party colours and to stick to professional ethics. MCT Executive Secretary Kajubi Mukajanga said it was unprofessional for reporters to display political slogans while covering party campaigns. They should also stop being biased in their reports and make sure that all political parties got fair coverage. Journalists are not supposed to be more Catholic than the Pope while reporting elections,” he said – Mwananchi.

TANZANIAN OBSERVER & THE UK ELECTION

With Westerners so accustomed to criticising the often flawed elections in African states, 11 parliamentarians from Commonwealth countries in Africa and Asia observed how the recent British elections went. It was not always a pretty sight. People being turned away from polling stations, ballot papers running out and sit-in protests by disgruntled voters were perhaps not what the Commonwealth observers were expecting to see in one of the world’s oldest democracies. The UK Electoral Commission announced an official investigation after queuing voters were unable to cast their ballots in a few polling stations that closed promptly at 22.00.

“This would never have happened in my country,” said Wilson Masilingi, a Tanzanian MP who was an observer in Brighton. “If a prospective voter arrives on time, he can vote up to three hours or more after the polling station closes.” Mr Masilingi was generally impressed by what he had seen but he recommended that powers should be given to the Electoral Commission to tell presiding officers to keep polling stations open for longer. He went on:

“The UK the system is based on mutual trust.” He was impressed by how the polling station had been opened promptly by the presiding officer. “In my country this would not be possible….. There would have to be many people present to make sure the station opened at the right time.”

The good manners between politicians in the UK impressed Mr Masilingi. For example, he was pleasantly surprised when they took defeat – or the suggestion of defeat – so well. “Fifty per cent of politicians who lose in Tanzania would go to court,” he said. “And if filing court petitions was free, everybody would go to court.”

But even if British politicians are extremely nice to one another within a coalition government, Mr Kabudi thinks coalition will be a “daunting” experience for the UK – BBC News.

THE SERENGETI ROAD

A proposal by President Kikwete to build a road through the Serengeti National Park has created a storm of protest amongst wildlife supporters around the world.

Map showing the proposed route (source African Wildlife Foundation www.awf.org/serengeti)

So much so that the New York Times, which rarely features Tanzania, has devoted a leading article (August 30) to the subject under the heading: The Wrong Road (Thank you Peg Snyder for sending this – Editor).

Extracts: ‘In late July, President Kikwete announced that his government intended to go ahead in 2012 with plans to build a highway running from Arusha …..to Musoma. No one disputes the economic value of developing highways in Tanzania. But this planned highway includes a potentially tragic pitfall: it cuts straight through the heart of the northern Serengeti, one of the greatest national parks on the planet.

It would bisect the route of the great migration, the annual movement of more than a million wildebeest and other herds. President Kikwete has promised that this would only be a gravel road, and has said that he would never build anything that could harm the ecosystem.

But it would be a commercial highway nonetheless, and it would link two populous regions of Tanzania. Even a gravel road across the northern Serengeti would bring an immediate flood of traffic, instantly fragmenting the ecosystem and causing enormous potential for human-animal conflict in the form of accidents and poaching…

Tanzania could still protect the integrity of the park…. There is an alternative southern route, one that would link more unserved communities than the northern route and still leave the Serengeti intact.

What is …needed is international pressure on the governments and NGO’s that would normally help finance this kind of economic development. That includes China, which plays an enormous role in African development. This is not a choice between economic development and protecting the Serengeti. It is a choice between the wrong kind of development and the right kind.’

However, the alternative southern route would be significantly more expensive, particularly since few dispute that better roads from Arusha to Loliondo and Musoma to Mugumo are required.

The government is therefore left with a difficult decision on whether to complete the link with a road between Loliondo and Mugumo, or else pay for a completely new road to the south of the National Park, the route as yet unsurveyed, but perhaps via Bariadi. The former would represent around 130km of road, including 50km through the Serengeti, much of it on existing tracks, while the alternative southern route would entail over 500km of road, and would arguably not represent a significant enough improvement over the existing road link via Singida and Shinyanga to justify the enormous expense involved.

In early September President Kikwete, in a nationwide broadcast, indicated that he was unrepentant. He said the project was part of a policy to link all regions with permanent roads. He added however that, in view of the need to protect the environment, part of the road would not be macadamized. “I would like to assure our friends abroad that I am an ardent supporter of the Serengeti reserve so I will be the last person to supervise any environmental degradation” – Nipashe.

CORRUPTION – A VERDICT

The difficulty involved in successfully prosecuting the many corruption cases now being tried in Tanzania has been illustrated by the completion of the first stage of a significant case. However, the magistrates taking the case were not in agreement on the verdict; two were for and one against the sentence of two years in prison for the accused person. The lawyer for the accused immediately appealed and the suspect was then released on bail.

In a detailed account of the final days of the trial, published in Mtanzania and other papers, the Bank of Tanzania’s former Director of Personnel and Administration Amatus Liyumba was found guilty of abuse of office. While two members of the panel were satisfied that Liyumba unilaterally changed the scope of the Bank’s ‘Twin Towers’ project outside the law, regulations and BoT procedures, the chairman of the panel, Principal Resident Magistrate Edson Mkasimongwa said he was of the view that the prosecution had failed to prove the charge beyond any reasonable doubt. The newspaper reported that there was a stony silence in the packed courtroom as it was stated that there was no way the accused could escape liability after he arbitrarily changed the scope of work without consulting the central bank’s governing board. Liyumba remained calm and composed in the dock as the sentence was being read out. However, tears flowed freely among some of his relatives after he was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment.

Liyumba, who served the central bank for 35 years before he retired in 2008, was initially charged with two counts of abuse of office and causing the government a Shs221 billion loss, but the court acquitted him of the second count for lack of evidence earlier. Liyumba first appeared in court in January 2009, when the prosecution alleged that he and former BoT Governor Daudi Ballali, who has since died, changed the scope of work of the extension project, raising the construction cost substantially. The prosecution’s case banked heavily on eight letters signed by Liyumba, which instructed the lead consultant to change the scope of the work. But Liyumba denied the charge, saying he only provided administrative support to the project, and did nothing other than convey decisions made by the management to the lead consultant. He maintained that the letters were approved by the Governor, and that he could not have signed them without consulting him.

Liyumba told the court that he was verbally authorised by the Governor to sign the letters on behalf of BoT as the project manager could not do so because he was not an employee of the central bank.