DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH

Compiled by Hugh Wenban-Smith

This is a second summary report of development research in Tanzania, culled from journals in the library of the London School of Economics. It covers the period January to June 2011. The format is: Journal title; Volume and issue number; Author(s); Article title; Short abstract (in square brackets – shortened version of published abstract).

African Affairs, Vol 110(439) – Lange, S “Gold and governance: Legal injustices and lost opportunities in Tanzania”. [A number of African countries have opened up opportunities for large-scale mining by foreign investors over the last decade and a half. Tanzania, one of the new mining countries, is now among the largest gold producers in Africa, but investor-friendly contracts have resulted in extremely low government revenues from mining, totaling less than 5% of what the country receives in development aid. In response to widespread discontent, the Government amended the 1998 Mining Act in 2010. However improved legal provisions may have limited effect if the present governance challenges are not resolved.]

African Studies Review, Vol 54(1) – Weinstein, L “The politics of government expenditures in Tanzania, 1999-2007”. [What allocation strategy do hegemonic party regimes pursue in order to increase their level of electoral support …? This article examines the patterns by which expenditures were distributed by the Tanzanian ruling party, CCM, across the country’s 114 mainland districts from 1999 through 2007. Overall the study finds that CCM targeted expenditures towards those districts that elected the party with the highest margin of victory.]

African Studies Review, Vol 54(1) – Hillbom, E “Farm intensification and milk market expansion in Meru, Tanzania”. [In Meru, Tanzania, technological and institutional change has turned milk into one of the most reliable and important sources of income for smallholder households. Decades of increased population density have caused land scarcity, leading smallholders to intensify their farming methods and land use, including introducing stall-fed exotic breeds of dairy cows. Meanwhile a growing urban and rural demand has resulted in significant market expansion for milk and increasing cash incomes for smallholders … These factors make the livestock sector in Meru an interesting example of broad-based agricultural development.]

Development Policy Review, Vol 29(1) Supp – Cooksey, B “Marketing reform? The rise and fall of agricultural liberalization in Tanzania”. [This article argues that the liberalization of Tanzanian export agriculture from the early 1990s to the present has failed to take place to the extent claimed by the Tanzanian Government and donor agencies. While internal food markets have largely been liberalized (e.g. maize), donor-inspired attempts to liberalise export crop markets (e.g. coffee, tobacco) have been seriously undermined by the political-bureaucratic class. As in other countries undergoing adjustment under World Bank/IMF programs, a combination of local vested interests and concern with the ‘rigged rules and double standards’ of global commodity markets has led to a systematic but under-reported backlash against liberalization.]

Journal of Development Economics, Vol 94(2) – Cull, R & Spreng, C P “Pursuing efficiency while maintaining outreach: Bank privatization in Tanzania”. [Profitability improvements after the privatization of a large state-owned bank might come at the expense of reduced access to financial services for some groups, especially the rural poor. The privatization of Tanzania’s National Bank of Commerce provides a unique episode for studying this issue. The bank was split into the ‘new’ National Bank of Commerce, a commercial bank that assumed most of the original bank’s assets and liabilities, and the National Microfinance Bank, which assumed most of the branch network and the mandate to foster access to financial services. The new NBC’s profitability and portfolio quality improved although credit growth was slow … Finding a buyer for the Microfinance Bank proved very difficult, although after years under contract management … Rabobank of the Netherlands emerged as a purchaser. Profitability has since improved and lending has slowly grown, while the share of non-performing loans remains low.]

Journal of Development Studies, Vol 47(2)
– van den Broeck, K & Dercon, S “Information flows and social externalities in a Tanzanian banana growing village”. [This article analyses the role of social networks as facilitators of information flows and banana output increase. Based on a village census, full information is available on the socio-economic characteristics and banana production of farmers’ kinship group members, neighbours and informal insurance group members … For the survey village of Nyakatoke in Tanzania the results suggest that information flows exist within all types of groups analysed but output externalities are limited to kinship groups.]

Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol 49(02) – Makulilo, A B “Watching the watcher: An evaluation of local election observers in Tanzania”. [This article evaluates three reports by the leading election observer in Tanzania, the Tanzania Election Monitoring Committee (TEMCO) for the 1995, 2000 and 2005 general elections. It notes that despite the prevalence of the same factors that TEMCO considered as irregularities in the 1995 and 2000 general elections when it certified those elections as “free but not fair”, it issued a “clean, free and fair” verdict on the 2005 general election. This conclusion, at variance with the data, reveals problems in assuring observer neutrality.]

REVIEWS

Edited by John Cooper-Poole

As a contribution to this celebratory issue John has reflected on the job of ‘Reviews Editor’:

ON BEING REVIEWS EDITOR
Being Reviews Editor involves two parallel searches, one for relevant books and another for suitable reviewers.

Lists come from publishers, and the internet is helpful. Equally helpful are suggestions from readers of Tanzanian Affairs who have come across books which they think are worth reviewing. I am always very grateful for such suggestions.

The Membership Secretary tells me of people who have said they would be willing to write reviews, and this is a great help. Over the years I have built up a list of helpful people in university departments who are willing to review themselves, or are sometimes able to recommend colleagues who may do so. The difficulty is to suit the reviewer to the book, especially in the case of the more academic titles.

In all this I have had the invaluable help of Marion Doro in the U.S.A. who has searched out interesting publications on that side of the Atlantic and helped in the search for reviewers.

There are frustrations. One is that not all publishers seem eager to have their books reviewed and sometimes ignore requests for review copies. Then there are the new kind of publishers which seem to exist only in cyber space – I sometimes find likely-sounding titles at such publishers, but have never yet succeeded in getting a review copy from them. I wonder whether they ever actually sell books?

Then there are the occasional, fortunately very occasional, reviewers who fail to produce a review and don’t return the review copy. Doubly irritating, because without the review copy I cannot ask anyone else to write a review.

And, of course, I have to pass on to other people interesting and/or attractive books which I would rather keep longer to browse or read myself.

The pleasant thing about the job is that I see a lot of interesting books and have contact, even if only by email, with interesting people.
John Cooper-Poole

URBAN DESIGN, CHAOS, AND COLONIAL POWER IN ZANZIBAR William Bissell, Indiana University Press, 2011. ISBN 13 978 0253355430. p/b. 328pp. £16.99

Overcoming initial prejudice (American academic faults colonialism: Yawn), I quite warmed to this book. At its heart is the story of the failure of town plans for Zanzibar, particularly those formulated in the 1920s and 1930s, to have much influence on its actual development, then or since. The author has immersed himself in archival records in Zanzibar and elsewhere, as well as absorbing much of the relevant historical literature; and he lived there for a time developing, it seems, some affection for it. Hence, no doubt, his evident exasperation that over a century of effort should have done so little to improve the condition of the poorer parts of Zanzibar Town.

Chapter 1 provides a lively account of the historical development of Zanzibar and how it has been perceived by outsiders: “a curious and haphazard jumble of misleading lanes and provoking culs-de-sac” (Robb, 1879). Chapter 2 moves on to the imposition of a British Protectorate in 1890 and the gradual relegation of the Sultan to a position of dependency, while real authority came to be exercised by the British Resident and his Chief Secretary. It then behoved the new authorities to demonstrate improvement in the administration of this new territory, and Chapter 3 tells how planning became part of this agenda. However, as Bissell notes (p. 113) “Establishing even the barest rudiments of a municipal order was challenge enough: the paucity of officials, difficulties in consolidating rule, and lack of external investment left little room for authorities to contemplate grand urban schemes.” This essentially is the tale told, with a wealth of detail, through Chapters 4, 5 and 6. From Prof. Simpson’s sanitary improvement plan (1913) through H V Lanchester’s first town plan (1922) and its various updatings (the full plan was never published), and indeed on to post-WWII plans by Henry Kendall (1957), the East Germans (1968) and the Chinese (1982), all foundered because of an inadequate legal framework, lack of staff and (most of all) lack of money. Instead, a process whereby plans were endlessly revisited but never implemented became institutionalised.

It’s a sad story. Was there an alternative? Bissell clearly shows that the ambitions of the town planners went far beyond what was feasible in a resource-strapped colonial outpost. As one Chief Secretary, S B B McElderry (this reviewer’s grandfather, as it happens) remarked on the Lanchester plan: “It is difficult … to disentangle the idealistic from the practical elements in these recommendations”. But while the disjunction between intention and reality may have been particularly stark in Zanzibar, Bissell notes that “similar examples can be found throughout the colonial world and beyond … cities large and small moved to embrace planning as a tool of spatial regulation … what is most striking is the extent to which these plans have failed.” The problem seems to reside as much in unrealistic planning as colonialism. Bissell hints at a better way in his concluding Chapter 7: “focusing on the available means at hand and relying on local resourcefulness and indigenous creativity”. But, while a strong case for community involvement in planning can be made, are there many examples of bottom-up activism successfully leading to urban transformation? Therein lies the dilemma (see also UN-HABITAT’s 2009 report “Planning Sustainable Cities” for similar problems facing contemporary planners in Dar-es-Salaam (p. 67) and Moshi (p.76)).

The strength of this book then lies in its documentation of how and why town planning failed in the Zanzibar case rather than pointing to better solutions. Methodologically it is a study in urban history from an ethnographic perspective. Indeed the book opens with a lengthy methodological introduction which non-academics might find a bit tedious (a pre-emptive strike against fellow academics who might suspect the author of straying too far from current ethnographic orthodoxy?). But once into the main story, there is plenty to keep the reader interested. A minor complaint is that none of the several maps is easily legible, making it difficult to pinpoint the location of many of the districts mentioned in the text, but otherwise the book is well-produced with copious notes and references.
Hugh Wenban-Smith

MEDICINAL PLANTS OF EAST AFRICA, by Kokwaro, John O. Third Edition, pp478, 2 maps, colour figs. 195, University of Nairobi Press, 2009 ISBN 9966-846-84-0

The fact that this is the third edition of a work first published 32 years ago, must say something about the demand for it. But who would want to buy and use a book about traditional medicines in this scientific age? The title page clearly states that it is “Not intended as a ‘prescription book’ for use by the general public”, and that is certainly a worthy warning. However, the text contains a wealth of information for scientific researchers, linguists and historians, to mention only a few.

Kokwaro’s enlarged third edition follows the previous ones by arranging the plants in alphabetical order by family, genera and species using their scientific names. Local Swahili and tribal names are clearly set out, followed by information about their traditional uses and applications. This edition is said to include 35% more information than the second one. It also has a colour section of photographs of a wide selection of the species. The author sets out in the introductory pages the values and problems in a way that is essential reading.

In former years, settlers considered native medicine as suspect and unworthy of consideration. True, there were and still are medicine men of bad repute who mixed medical treatment and bewitchment, partly because it had to be kept secret lest someone stole it. But others use traditional knowledge for the healing of diseases in people who cannot afford western medicines. Over the generations the bark of certain trees or the infusion of leaves of wild plants continued to be used at a fraction of the cost of commercial medicines. Wild plants were readily available in places where, unfortunately, they now no longer grow, so the ill person now has no option but to turn to more expensive treatments. Here is a good case for encouraging nature conservation. Chemists are now analysing such plants to find their active principles, which are in turn providing leads to further research. This book is one of those excellent resources that provide basic information, some of it rescued in the nick of time.
F. Nigel Hepper

DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION IN RURAL TANZANIA AND ZAMBIA: THE IMPACT OF CIVIC EDUCATION. Satu Riutta. ISBN 978 1 935049 14 2 Lynne Rienner Publishers. 219pp £49.95

This is a book for the expert thoroughly immersed in the minutiae of measuring the impact of civic education on democratic participation – in this case isolated rural communities in Tanzania and Zambia (Mtwara and Luapula respectively)

Satu Riutta is meticulous and thorough in preparing for this project both in surveying previous related literature and developing his methodology and questionnaires to ensure consistency and accuracy in any conclusion that his study offered.

The text is supported by a wealth of tables backed by a high level of statistical analysis. One quote will suffice:-

The effects of civic education on cognition “begins with a bivariate correlation of each dependent variable with CE exposure”.

In broad terms he shows civic education does enhance understanding and participation – though with some interesting contrasts between Tanzania and Zambia. Tanzanians were much more sympathetic to government and politics than Zambians, and Tanzanian women in particular gained more from CE than Zambian women.

In lay terms, donors to CE programmes can be assured that there are positive outcomes for democratic participation, though the impact on understanding and participation is affected by complex variables within the Tanzanian and Zambian communities’ studies.
Win Griffiths

RULE OF LAW versus RULERS OF LAW; JUSTICE BARNABAS SAMATTA’S ROAD TO JUSTICE. Compiled and edited by Issa Shivji and Hamudi Majamba. Mkuki na Nyota Publishers Ltd, Dar es Salaam 2011. ISBN 978 9987 08 055 7. 257pp. Available from African Books Collective Ltd, P.O. Box 721, Oxford. £24.95

During years of change and challenge Tanzania has been well served by its judges, their stories largely untold. They were led and inspired by successive distinguished Chief Justices. The late Francis Nyali held that position for over two decades and made a seminal contribution to the development of the judiciary and nation, not least in presiding over the Presidential Commission which was instrumental in ending one- party rule. When he retired in 2000, his was a hard act to follow. The mantle fell upon Justice Barnabas Samatta who, in more than thirty years of public service, had been Director of Public Prosecutions before his appointment in 1976 as a judge of the High Court and later of the Court of Appeal.

After his retirement in 2007, this book was compiled to record and honour Chief Justice Samatta’s impressive contribution to the law. It includes tributes from judicial colleagues, and account of his “Life Journey” and a perceptive summary of major themes in his jurisprudence by the academic editors. However, most of the book reproduces the words of Justice Samatta himself, in a selection of his judgements over the years; most of these involved difficult legal issues, carefully analysed and probably of most interest to lawyers. They include one of the judgements which he delivered in the High Court of Zimbabwe, where he spent three years (1984-1987) on loan from Tanzania. This reviewer remembers Justice Samatta well as the outstanding student in his classes at the young University College, Dar es salaam and forty years later was privileged to see him in action as Chief Justice, the genial and hospitable host of his fellow African Chief Justices at their conference in Dar in 2004. (An occasion recalled in one of the photographs from his career which conclude this volume).

The editors rightly emphasise the principles which Samatta maintained and the concerns which motivated his judicial reasoning: the importance of constitutionalism and the rule of law, manifested in the protection of human rights, in judicial review of government actions and in maintaining access to justice for all. They show how he also pioneered judicial intervention to protect the environment, not least in promoting improvements to the environments of the courts themselves. Above all, as befitted a member of the Judicial Integrity Group of international jurists who authoritatively defined standards of judicial conduct, Chief Justice Samatta practised and demanded the highest standards of ethical conduct by all the judges.

The text ends with some of his extra-judicial statements: on environmental justice, on Tanzania’s constitutional order and his farewell speech, “No one is above the law”. The volume ends with his characteristically well argued disagreement, in a lecture in November 2010, with the recent unanimous decision by a seven-judge Court of Appeal, in what he terms the most important constitutional case ever before a Tanzanian court, upholding the validity of constitutional amendments which prevented independent candidates standing in elections.
Jim Read

LETTERS FROM HELGA 1934-1937. A teen Bride writes home from East Africa by Helga Voigt. Translated by Evelyn Voigt. ISBN 978 1 897508 121. p/b. 239pp CA$24.95

60 YEARS IN EAST AFRICA; life of a Settler 1926-1986. Werner Voigt. ISBN 1 896182 39 9. p/b. 267pp. CA$29.95 2nd printing. (Previously reviewed in Tanzanian Affairs in 1997). Both published by General Store Publishing House.

In 1963 in Mufindi I saw a European lady unloading sacks of tea. It was Helga Voigt. The factory manager told me that Mr and Mrs Voigt were German and had had their own plantation confiscated in 1939. When they returned from internment in 1948 they had to buy it back.

These two book should be read together to put Helga’s letters from Mufindi to her relations in Germany into an understandable context. The books are illustrated with black and white photographs.

Werner Voigt went to Tanganyika as a young man and then entered a “penpal” correspondence with Helga whom he had not met. In 1934 Helga left her comfortable life in Germany to marry a man she had merely corresponded with, because although she was a Lutheran, her mother was Jewish by descent. On arrival in Mufindi Helga lived with Werner’s parents near where he lived. As Werner says “well one day she arrived. We married and she became my dear wife”.

Helga’s letters, which are to her relations in Germany, cover the period August 1934 to September 1937. They have been translated by their daughter, Evelyn, who has written a prologue and epilogue as well as footnotes. Unfortunately there is no map.

Both Helga and Werner lived varied lives and were separated for much of their sixty year marriage, internment in South Africa because of the war, and for long periods when Werner went to other places to earn money. He was in Rwanda when I saw Helga on the tea lorry. They managed to enlarge and develop their plantation, Kifulilo, trying various crops. It is now a tea research station. Helga’s letters clearly show that she was enjoying her experiences, in the mountains, on Lake Nyasa, meeting big game and going to search for gold.

Their first child, Werner, was born in February 1937. Helga evidently also enjoyed developing a household and learning to live a completely different kind of life. There was a German club and they celebrated Hitler’s birthday, although there was marked tension between Nazis and non-Nazis. She apparently had “colossally bad teeth”, and yet somewhere in the Mufindi area a German dentist did root fillings and crowns – a contrast to the situation in later years.

Helga and Werner left Tanzania in 1986 after a violent attack on them on their plantation. The German government eventually helped them to sell their farm and they moved to Canada to be near Evelyn. Helga died in 2010.

These books, read together, are an unusual source of the history of some Germans in Tanganyika, and tell the story of a very long and successful marriage.
Alison Redmayne

EAST AFRICA AND THE INDIAN OCEAN. Edward A. Alpers, Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2009. 240pp. ISBN 978 1 55876 453 8, p/b £25.

Over his career, Ned Alpers has authored an influential array of publications that champion East Africa’s often overlooked place within the larger history of the Indian Ocean World. In the volume under review, nine articles or book chapters previously published between 1976 and 2007 are brought together to showcase Alpers’ body of work. This is not a total history of an oceanic society bound together by monsoon rhythms, but instead a set of largely East African case studies in which the Western Indian Ocean provides the main context. “East Africa” here is long and mostly coastal, running from Somalia to the Mozambique Channel, and this book’s temporal focus is largely on the nineteenth century.

Alpers first came to this subject in the 1970s through his command of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Portuguese sources that he used to produce his first monograph, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa (1975). Like Ivory and Slaves, each chapter of the present volume shows the author’s irrepressible curiosity and enthusiasm for questions of micro-level social and cultural organizations, which in turn, he argues, have shaped macro-level networks and trends. These local case studies range from an examination of the cultural peculiarities of Gujarati merchant households in Western India, to the specific textile appetites Somali consumers, to the spiritual possession cults of Zanzibari women. Such anthropological attention marks Alpers’ important departure from the imperial “trade & politics” focus which transfixed earlier scholarly generations of the Lusophone Indian Ocean. Slavery emerges, appropriately enough, as the volume’s central topic, never far from any given chapter and oftentimes at its center. The nineteenth century was a time of enormous expansion of slave raiding, trading, and production along the continent’s eastern coast, paradoxically coinciding with its decline in West Africa. Perhaps the most impressive contribution of this volume emerges from reading the book’s final chapters on the Mozambican Channel as a single section. Here, Alpers demonstrates how slave trading runs through the history of violence and dislocation throughout this region during the nineteenth century, and shows how the Mozambican Channel—despite enormous cultural diversities between the Mozambican coast, the Comorian Islands, and Madagascar—forms an important historical unit in its own right, created out of a shared history of commercial violence.

The combination of geographical range and scholarly erudition displayed in these chapters makes for a book that is rewarding to read as a single collection or, alternatively, to be dipped into to satisfy one’s geographical or thematic preference. Although each of these chapters has been previously published, those that touch on contemporary matters have been helpfully updated since first publication. Handsomely produced by Markus Weiner, this volume reminds us not only of the impressive geographical and thematic range of Alpers’ career, but more importantly offers a timely overview of those resilient cultural and social networks straddling the Western Indian Ocean that continue to constitute vital elements of Tanzanian life today.
James R. Brennan

James Brennan is Assistant Professor of History, University of Illinois and Research Associate at School of Oriental and African Studies, London University.

Win Griffiths taught at Mzumbe Secondary School 1966-1968 and then in the UK. He was an MEP for South Wales 1979-1989 and MP for Bridgend 1987- 2005. In 2002 he visited Sierra Leone as part of an attempt to persuade party leaders to respect the outcome of impending elections. He maintains contact with Sierra Leone by linking the Health Board in South Wales which he chairs, to the Ola During children’s hospital.

F. Nigel Hepper, was formerly at Kew Herbarium.

Professor Jim Read is Emeritus Professor of Comparative Public Law, University of London, (SOAS). He was Senior Lecturer in Law at University College Dar es Salaam in the 1960’s and is Joint General Editor, Law Reports of the Commonwealth.

Dr Hugh Wenban-Smith was born in Chunya and went to Mbeya School. His career was as a government economist (mainly in Britain, but with periods in Zambia and India). He is now an independent researcher, with particular interests in infrastructure, urbanisation and transport.

Alison Redmayne went to the East African Institute of Social Research at Makerere in 1963 and later carried out research in the Southern Highlands of Tanganyika where she lived off and on from 1963 to 1998. She visits the Iringa area for about ten weeks most years.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

We would like to receive more letters. Even critical ones like this one:

As you know, I am a strong supporter of Tanzanian Affairs and I hope you will not mind if I make some comments on the May-August 2011 issue. Gremlins seem to have struck in several places:. ‘Kilimanjaro’ is misspelt twice – on the cover and on page 38; Loliondo has nothing to do with the Serengeti road (page 14); and the apostrophe is wrong on MPs (p.4), CCM’s (p.6) and goverment’s (p.6).
Sorry to nitpick – can I help with the proof-reading?
John Sankey

(The contentious section of the Serengeti road is from Loliondo to Mugumu – see map in TA 97 – but we accept your criticisms and welcome your offer to assist with proof-reading).

TA ISSUE 99

cover photo: A family returns to their house after the Gongo la Mboto explosions - photo Chris Mfinanga

Dramatic U-Turn on Constitution
The Arrival of Chadema
The Loliondo Phenomenon
Second Armoury Explosion
The Kilimanjaro Marathon

A pdf file of the issue can be downloaded here

DRAMATIC U-TURN ON CONSTITUTION

Maybe it is the Tunisian/Egyptian/Libyan effect but there are signs in several parts of the world that it is not a good idea to propose new legislation, without proper consultation and to which most people object. Britain has had to make a number of U-turns on policy recently as a result of popular pressure. Now something similar has happened in Tanzania.

A Constitutional Review Commission
After the elections in October 2010, the greatly strengthened Chadema opposition party stated that, because it did not think that the presidential election results were correct and because there were many anomalies in Tanzania’s existing constitution, it wanted a new constitution to be adopted.

The first reactions from the ruling CCM party were not favourable but soon it became apparent that this was a subject of great interest to the people.

President Kikwete responded by setting up a Constitutional Review Commission and gave it instructions to draw up proposals for a draft Bill to be presented to parliament. The commission got to work immediately and in March 2011 presented a draft Bill for consideration by parliament at its next session in August. It was expected to lead to the enactment by 2014 of a constitution which would be an amended version of the existing one. It soon became apparent however that this was not what the people wanted.

Criticism from all sides
The Guardian, the Citizen and most other papers, English and Swahili, gave heavy coverage of the reactions.

Former Prime Minister and retired judge Joseph Warioba praised the government for the goodwill it had shown in establishing a new constitution but faulted the ‘sanctity’ of the three issues that would dilute the whole process. Concerning the powers of the presidency, (which he said were classified as untouchable, in the Draft), were, in a real sense, the real constitution. “How can you refrain from discussing them?” The question of what kind of government they wanted; whether to have one government instead of the current situation where there are two, were among other things which they should be freely allowed to discuss he argued.

He added that Section 9 of the Bill should be amended to give time to discuss the Draft. “Give people freedom to talk about human rights, about equality before the law and due process of the law. Listen to their views on the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, on national unity and peace and let political parties campaign for the type of constitution, which represents the will of the people” he said.

Chadema Secretary General Dr Wilbrood Slaa complained about the excessive powers of the President in the proposed Bill. “The president has powers to appoint the Commission, issue terms of reference, appoint permanent secretaries and receive reports…all these concentrated into the hands of one person.”

Civic United Front (CUF) National Chairman Prof Ibrahim Lipumba recommended the establishment of an independent Commission, a Constitutional Assembly, a National Convention and finally to hold a referendum – Guardian.

Former Chief Justice Barnabas Samatta and the Legal and Human Rights Centre Executive Director urged the government not to restrict people’s involvement in the process of writing the new constitution. It should be clear and transparent and Tanzania should emulate countries that had recently changed their constitutions – Kenya, Ghana and South Africa. They strongly criticised a section of the Bill which prohibited members of the public from discussing issues about the Union, the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar and the Government of National Unity there.

Public hearings
The government organised three public hearings – in Dar, Dodoma and Zanzibar – to give the people a chance to comment. At the parliament building in Dodoma, hundreds of people turned up but many were refused entry because of shortage of space. They then began running battles with the police and started chanting patriotic songs as a way of pressing for their right to be allowed in. According to the Citizen, those
waiting outside the Parliament buildings were people from all walks of life, including officials from civil society organisations and ordinary citizens. The huge turnout had been prompted by announcements popularising the event through the mass media the day before.

Many students gathered in the middle of the road outside the parliament building and announced that they would continue with a separate public hearing of people’s views because the hearings inside ‘were meant for perpetrators of graft and not ordinary Tanzanians.’ When the situation became tense, police began using tear-gas to disperse the students, after some of them had started throwing all sorts of ‘missiles’, including stones, at the police.

In Dar es Salaam another public hearing was temporarily suspended when a crowd of university students argued with an MP representing the CCM. The MP differed with those who questioned the proposed presidential powers in the bill, saying: “You cannot just decide to infringe upon the president’s powers through such a forum, and the Bill is right but…..” The crowd did not give him time to continue and the meeting became uncontrollable, forcing the chairperson to postpone the debate.

At the Zanzibar hearings opposition was very strong. Some government leaders and House of Representatives MP’s had indicated earlier that the Bill could not be taken wholly as it stood. Isles Constitutional Affairs and Justice Minister Abubakar Bakari (supported by other ministers) said the Bill had violated the basic agreement setting up the Union and called on the Speaker to remove the Bill from the table. Anything warranting to be added or removed from ‘matters of the Union’ in the text must be discussed by both parties. Zanzibar had been sidelined right from the start because discussions had started without Zanzibaris being involved.

On the last day of the open hearing in Zanzibar there was some chaos when the Chairman of the Zanzibar Association of Imams tore up the document. People chanted slogans such as: “We do not want the Union.” “No more Tanganyika’s colony.” This caused the session to be halted before its official closing time – Habari Leo.

At the hearings many views were expressed: Many people said that they did not want to be rushed on the issue and were opposed to the idea of taking the Bill to Parliament under a certificate of urgency. Others said that the draft gave too much power to the President; people wanted a new constitution – not amendments to the present one.

A government spokeswoman brought some reality into the debate by pointing out that the Bill was just a draft which was meant to lay down grounds for the constitutional review process; the process itself would facilitate collection of public views on the new constitution,

The Speaker of the National Assembly Anne Makinda accused politicians of creating chaos and disrupting on-going public hearings of the constitutional review, to advance their personal interests.

Speaking in Parliament Chadema National Chairman Freeman Mbowe said his party planned to conduct demonstrations countrywide to press the government to halt the fast tracking approach to the constitutional review process. “If the government suspends endorsement of the Draft, Chadema would also suspend the planned demonstrations, he said. The fate of over 44 million Tanzanians could not be decided by a few people in Zanzibar, Dodoma and Dar es Salaam he added.

The U-turn
The government finally decided to halt the ‘fast tracking’ process toward enactment of a new constitution. The Bill would no longer be presented to the August parliamentary session under a certificate of urgency. Normal channels would be used so as to allow the government to work on the opinions of the people and give more room for discussions.

THE RENEWAL OF CCM

The increasing corruption in Tanzania, the arrival in parliament of a much larger Chadema opposition party, the continuing popularity of the Chadema candidate for the presidency in the October 2010 elections, and the apparent determination of the Chadema party to continue campaigning at full pace, even though the next election is five years away, seem to have jolted the ruling CCM party into action. From its grassroots up to the top leadership the party is in the process of ‘cleansing itself.’

Evidence of this was the resignation on April 9 of the top decision making body in the party – the Central Committee – including the whole of its secretariat and CCMs Secretary General Yusuf Makamba. National Chairman Kikwete was asked to form a new team aiming at ‘a real transformation of the party, to rectify its low morale and discipline.’

In no time a new Secretariat was installed including former Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Water and Irrigation, Wilson Mukama as party Secretary General. Kikwete then named members of the party’s new Central Committee (CC). These included Abdurrahman Kinana, Zakia Meghji, Abdallah Kigoda, Steven Wassira, Pindi Chana, William Lukuvi and Constancia Buhiye – Uhuru

New leadership –New attack on corruption
A few days after the reshuffles, CCM reaffirmed its commitment to fight corruption, and said that the fight would be won.

The new Secretary General, vowed to act on all corrupt elements within the party and warned that those who continued to engage in corrupt practices would not be tolerated any more. “We wanted to make it clear that all those implicated in big corruption allegations should think of quitting. We want to protect our party’s credibility.” He also said that he would spare no one and was ready to make difficult decisions.

In his first press conference, Nape Nnauye, the newly appointed CCM Publicity Secretary said they were fed up with lingering claims of unethical conduct in the party. “We will ultimately win this war (against corruption). We are determined to win, we have started it and we will sustain it to the end… “ He admitted that the party had massively lost people’s confidence –the Swahili press.

THE ARRIVAL OF CHADEMA

Everyone has been expecting some sparks to fly following the election of a strong opposition in Parliament and they have not been disappointed.

The Arusha riot
After the main elections last year, which were praised for their peaceful nature, there followed various mayoral elections. In the hotly contested one in Arusha on December 18 there were serious disturbances. Chadema leaders claimed that they were not informed of the election and when they arrived at the City Hall, found that it had already been completed, with a CCM candidate elected as Mayor and a TLP candidate as Deputy Mayor. In the resulting fracas the Arusha Urban MP (Chadema ) was injured while being arrested and taken to the police station.

Chadema were then given permission to stage a demonstration and hold a public rally on January 5 but the decision on the demonstration was reversed on January 4. Chadema officials and supporters then defied the order concerning the demonstration and marched into the city, until they came up against a contingent of armed riot police blocking their path. There was a violent confrontation. Supporters continued to converge at the site of the planned rally (which had been given permission) but shortly after 1pm, police started firing teargas in an attempt to disperse the crowds.

According to Mwananchi, prior to the demonstration, Chadema bussed hundreds of its young supporters from Kilimanjaro region. Reports say that police were later engaged in running battles with youths in downtown Arusha, and three people died from injuries. A number of policemen were also injured.

On the following day, Mbowe and 40 others were charged with unlawful assembly. They all pleaded “not guilty” and were released on bail.

Archbishop Josephat Lebulu of the Arusha Catholic Archdiocese read a declaration on behalf of the Union of Christian Denominations (representing over 20 denominations) which condemned the use of excessive force and live bullets by the police and called on Prime Minister, Mizengo Pinda to intervene. The church leaders also resolved not to recognise the Mayor nor work with the municipal officials until the controversy was resolved.

On Feb 24th, thousands of protesters again took to the streets when Chadema held a demonstration in Mwanza, but there were no reports of violence (see below). In March prosecutors announced that the case against 10 of those arrested in Arusha had been dropped for lack of evidence and that the trial of 19 other Chadema members (including Mbowe and Slaa) would be postponed until April 29.

The Chadema rallies

Chadema Rally in Mwanza - photo Peter Fabian - newhabari.com

On February 25 the Swahili press gave publicity to the first of a series of big rallies Chadema was organizing. Extract:

‘Tens of thousands of people took to the streets in Mwanza to participate in a rally organised by Chadema. The party’s top leadership called for more accountability by President Kikwete’s government. Led by Chairman Mbowe, and Secretary General, Dr. Wilbroad Slaa, the rally ended up with strong demands including giving the President nine days to act or face mass action as had happened in Egypt and Libya. There were attacks on “Dowans” (see Corruption below) which, it was said, could not be paid from taxpayers’ money because it was an illegal firm…. President Kikwete was aware of all these shoddy deals because they happened during his leadership,” said Dr. Slaa. He named a CCM MP as the man who had manipulated government officials to pressurise them into giving a multi- million contract to the shoddy Richmond firm and wondered why the MP remained untouchable. Mbowe demanded the resignation of two cabinet Ministers, William Ngeleja (Energy and Minerals) and Dr. Hussein Mwinyi (Defence and National Service), since they had openly failed to offer credible leadership in their respective portfolios. But as Mbowe was naming the ministers, the crowd shouted “…and President Kikwete too should resign!” (Mwananchi, Nipashe, Majira, Mtanzania, Tanzania Daima)

Chadema is planning more rallies
CCM reacted angrily. A spokesman said that the government should take legal action against what he described as Chadema’s continued incitement. What Chadema was doing was to instill feelings of hatred between us and the people and thus provoke violence he said – Mwananchi.

On March 3 Minister of State, Presidents’ Office (Social Relations and Co-ordination), Stephen Wassira warned Chadema, that they should blame no one if the government lost patience with them. He blamed the party for inciting people to overthrow their government. “It is not possible…..they don’t have such a mandate… as it is against the constitution” he said. What Chadema was crying out for – an easing of the current high cost of living – was not a problem in Tanzania alone.

Meanwhile, the Chairmen of the Tanzania Labor Party (TLP) and the United Democratic Party (UDP), John Cheyo, have supported President Kikwete’s warning to political parties against plans to destroy the existing peace – Mwananchi, Majira, Habari Leo.

Mbowe names shadow cabinet
Chadema leader Mbowe has named his Shadow Cabinet. He said that, although the official cabinet had a total of 50 ministers and deputies, he had formed a small shadow cabinet of only 29 ministers and three deputies for efficiency. The Finance and Economic Affairs portfolio went to Kigoma North MP Zitto Kabwe who is also Deputy Leader of the Opposition. The Home Affairs shadow ministry will be headed by Godbless Lema (Arusha Urban), while Constitutional Affairs and Justice goes to Tundu Lissu of Singida East, who is the Chief Whip. The Energy and Minerals ministry will be under Ubungo MP John Mnyika – Guardian.

Key posts all go to the opposition
MP’s have elected chairpersons for the three key parliamentary oversight committees. John Cheyo (UDP) was re-elected as chairman of the sensitive Public Accounts Committee (PAC), Zitto Kabwe (Chadema) also retained his position as the chairman of the Public Organisations Accounts Committee (Poac), while Augustine Mrema (TLP) was elected the new chairman of the Local Authorities Accounts Committee (LAAC). Thus, although Chadema was disappointed in not obtaining all three posts, Tanzania sets a good example in choosing as Chairs, members of the opposition parties.

Change of rules
On February 10 CCM joined with all the small opposition parties in parliament to ‘clarify earlier rules’ to prevent Chadema from becoming the sole official Opposition in Parliament. The rules were changed so that the official opposition now comprises all the opposition parties. Chadema MP’s walked of the House in protest. Relations between Chadema and the second opposition party CUF remained cold – Guardian.

THE LOLIONDO PHENOMENON

Pastor Masapila with his brew - newhabari.com

Forget about politics! Forget about football! Forget about corruption! One topic above all has dominated conversations in Tanzania during recent weeks – the tens of thousands of people who have been flocking to Samunge village, Loliondo in Arusha Region to try a ‘miracle’ cure’ being dispensed there by retired 76-year old Evangelical Lutheran Pastor Ambilikile Masapila.

The whole thing can only be described as extraordinary. For example:

So many people have gone to the village that shortage of food and water initially sent prices soaring. A 1.5-litre bottle of water was selling at between TShs 4,000 and 5,000.

Thousands of patients have been stuck in 25-km traffic jams on the road.

The Pastor said that the cure was revealed to him by God. It heals all chronic diseases like HIV/Aids, cancer, hypertension, diabetes, asthma, and many others.

Its dosage is only one 250 millilitre cup made by boiling mugariga treeroots.

Quote from a visitor to the area: “Even if you have something to cook, there is no water or firewood for cooking, making life in this area very difficult. Taking a motorcycle from here to a source of tapped water is 15,000/-. But, by God’s grace, I’ll survive until I get a cup of the ‘miracle concoction…..As you see there are no toilets, no bathrooms. The government should help to put up these structures…..The road to and from Masapila’s clinic is single lane and slippery, unable to allow a faster traffic flow.”

Quote: “The tourist industry can see Loliondo becoming the centre of a big tourist attraction.”

The Citizen asked people why Loliondo had become so popular. It received many responses in writing and on line. Extracts:

“No wonder we Tanzanians are ranked as the most superstitious people in the world. You can see even national leaders openly going for the magical healing. I can see very little reasoning here.”

”This is not about the medicine. It is the sacrament, if you know the ABCs of Christianity. It is the faith in Christ that gives the concoction the healing power.”

”Loliondo has become a crowd puller because the concoction is effective. Now the government should put in place the requisite infrastructure and amenities to ease problems such as accommodation, water, roads, etc.”

”Babu Mwasapile has become an instant hit mostly because of the power of the word of mouth……With many of those who have been able to drink the ‘medicine’ claiming to have had relief or to have been wholly cured, the treatment has spread like a bushfire in the Sahara desert.”

”This is a good indication of the failure of the national health system, which is not only wanting in terms of facilities and personnel, but also ridden with corruption and red tape. To me, the experience is also a good sign of how sick our nation is physically, clinically and emotionally.”

“Has the Tanzania Revenue Authority been to Babu’s place? The old man is minting millions in tax-free income!”

The former Pastor admitted that he was overwhelmed by the huge turnout of people from all corners of Tanzania and neighbouring countries. But he told reporters that he was ready and able to dispense his liquid concoction of herbs in person to everyone turning up for healing “as directed by God”. He had been touched by the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe that had led to deaths of sick people collapsing while queuing to reach him. By April the death toll had reached seventy-eight.

Patients pay 500 Tanzanian shillings – about $0.33 – for one cup.

Among those seeking the cure were several public figures – including government ministers. One of the patients was said to be the wife of the President of the Congo. Politicians were said to be using the cure with many spending large amounts of money to arrange transport for their constituents to Loliondo. “I have set aside Sh 12 million to arrange transport for 200 of my constituents admitted Arusha MP (Chadema), Godbless Lema – Majira.

It is safe but…
In March, a team of experts drawn from the Chief Government Chemist, the Tanzania Drugs and Food Authority, the National Institute for Medical Research and the Muhimbili National Hospital endorsed the herb as safe for human consumption. “Yes, the herb has been cleared, it is not toxic, but that does not guarantee its potency on the myriad diseases it is said to cure,” said one expert. “It will take long, perhaps many months or years to come to a scientific conclusion.”

In March Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda promised to supply tents and build a dispensary in the village to treat patients needing medication before or after getting the herbal drink – Guardian.

OTHER ISSUES AT LOLIONDO

Big increase in hunting fees
Tourist hunters will have to dig deeper into their pockets following the government’s decision to increase the permit fee for its hunting blocks from $27,000 to $60,000 for category I. Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism Ezekiel Maige said that the government had responded to the public outcry by increasing the number of hunting blocks from 158 to 190 and had also categorised the blocks into five depending on the type and number of animals to be hunted. He said Tanzanian applicants are required to produce a bank bond of guarantee to the tune of at least $300,000 and for a foreign owned hunting company a bank bond of $1,000,000 is required.

Experts have predicted that the Tanzania hunting sector could earn some $ 53 million annually – a dramatic increase from the present earnings of $ 20 million This would bring the sector closer to being one of the country’s largest foreign exchange earners.

But no animals!
According to the Sunday News, some 21 of the professional hunters issued with permits under the new regulations have decided to hand their permits back because of the lack of animals in the areas covered. The Minister of Tourism suspects that, apart from ordinary migrations of the animals, poachers may be responsible. The government would step up its efforts to control this he said.

LOLIONDO (SERENGETI) ROAD PROJECT

President Kikwete has made a statement on the governments intentions as regards the controversial proposed road through the Serengeti.
Extracts:

‘The Government has reassured the international community that Tanzania will never do anything to hurt or take any decision that may irresponsibly destroy the Serengeti National Park such as building a tarmac road through the Park. However, the Government has reiterated its commitment to meet its responsibilities of supporting development efforts of poorer communities living around the park including building a tarmac road on the northern tip of the park to ease the severe transport challenges facing those communities.

The Serengeti is a jewel of our nation and the international community….We will do nothing to hurt the Serengeti and we would like the international community to know this… There has been so much unnecessary confusion about this issue. Let me give you my assurances that we will keep the Serengeti intact.

Under the plan, the Government wants to decongest traffic inside the park that currently crosses the Serengeti daily on a 220-kilometer road which passes right through the park. Instead, the planned road will cross the Serengeti for only 54 kilometers which will remain unpaved.

In recent months, a global network of environmental activists and conservators has mounted a completely misinformed campaign claiming that the Government of Tanzania intends to destroy the Serengeti by building tarmac road through the park, which will seriously hurt the famous migration of wildlife. The people living in the northern side of the park were removed from inside the park itself as part of our conservation efforts. It takes about eight hours of very rough travel to reach their area from Mto wa Mbu town, and it is only 170 kilometers stretch. They have no road. They have no water. They have no power. We will be doing huge injustice if we do not move to correct these imbalances. There is neither justification nor explanation for not building this important road.”