BOOK REVIEWS

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TANZANIA AND THE WORLD BANK’S URBAN SHELTER PROJECT: IDEOLOGY AND INTERNATIONAL FINANCE by Horace Campbell. The Review of African Political Economy. No. 42, 1988, pp 5-18.

John (not Horace) Campbell sets out to examine a major World Bank funded urban project in the context of Tanzania’s relationship with the Bank and its attempts to influence domestic policy as a condition of further lending. Bank ideology has determined its actions, he argues, not the realities of Tanzania’s situation or the priorities of its government.

In the 1960’s urban areas grew rapidly and programmes of slum clearance and public housing failed to meet housing needs. Much development was unplanned, with half or more of the population living in squatter areas and dependent on incomes below the poverty line. The Second Plan (1969-74) included a commitment (although few funds) to provide infrastructure and housing suitable for the needs of the urban poor. In 1971 rental housing was nationalised, with the effect that the (primarily Asian) landlord class was pushed temporarily out of the housing market and no new housing was built for more than a decade.

Although the intention of providing serviced plots on a large scale to accommodate poorer families had been stated in 1969, it was not until 1972 that a decision was taken to proceed (partly, Campbell speculates, in response to worker unrest) and 1974 that World Bank funding was secured.

Phase I (1974-78) was intended to benefit c. 160,000 low income people by providing 10,600 serviced plots in Dar, Mwanza and Mbeya and upgrading squatter areas in Dar and Mbeya. In Phase II (1978-83) an additional 315,000 residents were to benefit from similar schemes in five urban areas. Campbell suggests that the Bank insistence on tendering contracts to the private sector was contrary to national policies which aimed at expanding the role of the public sector, although it is questionable whether the latter would have had the capacity to take on large contracts. The serviced plots provided were in relatively low density suburban areas and the Bank insisted on full cost recovery. Although construction for subletting was allowed, the provision of loans by the newly established Tanzania Housing Bank (THB) and its insistence on the use of ‘modern’ building materials, made the plots too costly for most poor families. The World Bank’s pressure to reduce standards of construction was not heeded until 1981.

By that time, Phase II was under way, despite the cost overruns of Phase I, the failure of the THB to account for funds and corruption in the allocation of plots. Shortages of housing for middle income families, due partly to policy neglect, encouraged them to obtain serviced plots, pushing out the poor to unauthorised and unserviced areas. Failure to consult residents gave rise to initial suspicion of upgrading, but this later proceeded with fewer problems. Following mounting cost overruns, project components were cut and the standard of services reduced. Responsibility for project management was devolved to local government, despite its lack of expertise and finance. As a result, services and infrastructure deteriorated rapidly and residents’ understandable reluctance to pay for them increased.

Campbell is correct in emphasising the dominance of project planning and implementation by the World Bank; pointing out that the serviced plots met the needs of the middle income rather than poor households; stressing the burden of infrastructure in need of maintenance; and accusing the World Bank of attributing Tanzania’s problems solely to economic mismanagement rather than external shocks. He may well be right that the Bank, despite its involvement with the country’s economic problems, was taken by surprise by the huge cost overruns that its attempt to devolve responsibility for project administration on to ill-prepared local government structures was an attempt to wash its hands of responsibility; and that its concern for the poor was jettisoned when cost recovery was threatened by rising costs. However, by succumbing to the temptation to treat the Bank as a scapegoat, he has oversimplified the explanations for what occurred in Tanzania between the mid-1970’s and mid-80’s. To apportion blame solely to the Bank is to ignore both the mismanagement which undoubtedly occurred, in, for example, the abolition of urban local government between 1973 and 1978; and the class interests within the indigenous (and not just Asian) Tanzanian population which have sought to utilise power and the spoils of public sector activities to advance their own interests.
Carole Rakodi

VILLAGES, VILLAGERS AND THE STATE IN MODERN TANZANIA. Edited by R. G. Abrahams. Cambridge African Monograph 4. Cambridge University Press.

These five papers which are based mainly on field work carried out in Tanzania in the seventies and early eighties, were first published in 1985. They give an insight into the situation pertaining in a number of rural communities at that time and the changes which came about during the post-independence era.

Developments in five disparate areas of the country during and after the villagisation programme known as Ujamaa are detailed. The impact of state intervention in village life has been considerable, and sadly, as is well known, much of the programme has been marred by failure. Poor management, mishandled funds and corruption were features highlighted in this paper.

The field work carried out by Thiele in villages close to Dodoma illustrates, as do other papers, the reluctance of villagers to engage in communal farming activities on collective plots. Priority was always given to their own areas and labour allocation to other work was given a distinctly low priority. The fact that communal farms have been frequently sited on the poorest and most inaccessible land does not also contribute to good production as is evidenced by the poor yields achieved in a number of villages which were listed.

The paper by Lwoga, the only contribution by a Tanzanian, based on work in the vicinity of Morogoro, shows how the State imposed its will and disregarded the views of villagers until the Prime Minister’s Office was able to make a second intervention.

In his paper Walsh outlines the problems associated with traditional leadership, both before and after independence, and how the influence of traditional authority lingered to the detriment of the community as a whole, in spite of the fact that the role of chieftancy had been abolished at the time of independence. The complicated and interweaving relationships within a community were further illustrated by Thompson who related the unsuccessful efforts of a well educated young leader from the town when pitted against the traditional beliefs of the villagers.

These various papers show that the aim of Julius Nyerere, widespread socialism has not been achieved in Tanzania. Reluctance on the part of rural communities to take part in communal activities has been clearly shown and the original aspirations of the State that each village would have a collective farm of a significant area have not been met. Merchant enterprises, such as the village lorry and shop, have often been more successful, but the examples shown indicate that such success was generally limited. Lack of spare parts for vehicles and the frequent absence of basic supplies, poor accounting and corruption, have all contributed to poor results. However, examples in two papers show what can be achieved by good leadership. The resilience and organisation of the local schoolmaster in one instance and the village chairman in the other, were largely responsible for the success achieved. The value of education was also evident in some cases and, more particularly, when this applied to a Village Manager. Thompson also illustrates the extent to which education and urban background undoubtedly contributed to the failure of one politician.

These papers are valuable contributions to the story of rural development in Tanzania during a particular post-independence period. It is to be hoped that later field work by the authors will give a further insight into more recent programmes and achievements.
Basil Hoare

ZANZIBAR TO TIMBUKTUU by Anthony Daniels. J. Murray. 1988.

The first two chapters of this book are devoted to Tanzania, and it is important in the sense that, as there is not a vast library of literature (either non-fiction or intelligent fiction) which deals with contemporary Tanzania, anything in print is liable to be seized upon as some sort of guide to the country, past as well as present.

Despite the fact that it has already had some good reviews, it is not an impressive offering. The trouble is that Daniels really wants sensation at every turn, and in Tanzania he reckons that the best way to obtain this effect is to highlight the misery and wretchedness and the way society has deteriorated in the past quarter century. So we are given a seemingly endless list of iniquities. In Dar es Salaam, for example, we are told that Africans neglect their gardens, the telephones don’t work, the potholes on the road are so bad that you need a four-wheel drive vehicle and the thieving is such a problem that you have to have locked doors, barred windows and even ‘steel gates constructed across windows.

To be fair to the writer he does try occasionally to even up the picture. He admits that ‘this violence is un-characteristic of Tanzanians’ and that ‘I knew them as gentle and forgiving people’. The problem is that he is keen to rush through Africa, from one country to another, hardly pausing to take breath, that he never stops long enough to analyse either people or social situations. Daniels is plainly aware of the ambivalence in many of the scenes he describes. The Tanzanians, though gentle, he declares, can behave extremely badly, even dishonestly to one another ‘no real trust existed between them’. ‘This is Tanzania, this is Tanzania.’

But with full respect to his lively and often amusing style and picturesque phrase, this simply will not do. If there are contradictions in people’s characters then the good writer explores them and helps us to understand the ambivalence. If he had ever done this, or even attempted it, this book would be ten times more worthwhile. The sad truth is that there is nothing in this hasty tour of Africa that is really substantial. Daniels has clutched at straws, many of them brightly coloured and diverting, but straws just the same, and blown away by the wind as they should be.

There is undoubtedly a fashion for travel books which titillate the palate with the slightly grotesque, and invite us to look with our comfortable western eyes at various morsels of Third World decay. But in these pictures there is scant truth to life. It is a pity that Daniels’ undoubted descriptive talents have not been used to produce a book of greater balance and some real depth.
Noel K. Thomas

AGRICULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF TANZANIA by Goram Hyden, Universities Field Staff Report 1988/89 No. 5. pp 10. $4. 00
This report was written following a short visit to Tanzania in June 1988 funded by USAID. It is in two parts. The first is an analysis of Tanzania’s predicament. It can be summarised by a table and two quotations.


Graph of table data (not in original publication)

Gross Domestic Product by Kind of Economic Activity at 1976 Prices (in Tz. Sha. Million)

Economic Activity 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986

1. Agriculture, Forestry,Fishing & Hunting 9,046 8,998 9,418 9,639 9,453 10,045
2. Mining & Quarrying 214 189 189 193 176 160
3. Manufacturing 2,811 2,730 2,683 2,304 2,159 1,935
4. Electricity & Water 220 286 400 420 439 523
5. Construction 884 783 932 930 629 572
6. Wholeseale & Retail Trade, Hotels & Restaurants 2,839 2,797 2,839 2,668 2,640 2,669
7. Transport & Communication 1,685 1,699 1,818 1,694 1,703 1,887
8. Finance, Insurance, Real Estate & Business Serv. 2,036 2,208 2,483 2,702 2,920 3,073
9. Public Administration & Other Services 2,342 2,937 3,657 4,221 4,555 5,394

Total Industries 22,077 22,627 24,419 24,771 24,664 26,258

10. Imputed Bank Service Charge (DEDUCT) 424 485 531 667 754 772

11. Gross Domestic Product at f.c. 21,653 22,142 23,888 24,104 23,930 25,486

Source: Bureau of Statistics

The table shows GDP growing less than 20% in 10 years – but three quarters of that growth comes from ‘public administration and other services’. Agriculture has apparently grown (but can we believe the statistics?), as has ‘finance, insurance, real estate and business services ‘; manufacturing has clearly declined.

The two quotes are the following:

In brief, the decline of the Tanzanian economy between 1973 and 1985 must be ascribed to a widespread decline in production beginning in the agricultural sector; it spread to manufacturing because imports to keep the industries going became more and more difficult to purchase with falling agricultural revenues. This situation was aggravated by the adherence to the Basic Industry Strategy which encouraged capital investments in new, often expensive and ill-conceived plants. This limited the scope for allocating scarce foreign exchange in existing industries which were often forced to operate at very low levels of available operational capacity.

It is paradoxical that Tanzania, a large country with low population densities, poor initial infrastructure, and population concentrations mostly in the areas bordering on other countries, should have devoted a smaller share (averaging about 7% between 1970 and 1985) of its resources to transport and communications compared to Kenya (12%).

The second part of the report, under the heading ‘Tanzanian Agriculture since Liberalisation’, consists of thinly disguised prescription. Priority No. 1 is maintenance of the road and rail networks. The second priority is to cope with ‘institutional shortcomings’, notably the failures of the marketing authorities and the National milling Corporation. However, ‘this must be accompanied by a strengthening of other institutions, including the co-operatives’ (how?), and Hyden also advocates ‘district based development trusts’ such as the Njombe District Development Trust. The third priority is more investment in agricultural research, but also more effort to ensure that the results of this research are used. This leads him to conclude that ‘agricultural production in the years ahead will increasingly be led by large-scale farmers’ who will be mainly ‘retired party and government officials …. cultivating 10-50 acres … in the vicinity of large urban centres’! In this way Hyden repeats his distrust of ordinary Tanzanian farmers. A similar mistake characterised his 1980 book, when, using unhelpfully aggressive language, he wrote of the ‘uncaptured’ peasantry and the need to ‘capture’ them. Somehow Hyden’s belief in market forces deserts him when it comes to small farmers. Yet his own analysis provides the clues to an alternative. If the district and trunk roads are maintained and the railways do the work they were built for and if basic consumer goods are available up-country, then Tanzanian farmers, just like those everywhere else in the world, will produce and sell.
Andrew Coulson

QUEEN OF THE BEASTS. An ITV ‘Survival Special’ broadcast on March 17th 1989.

The lion has always been a potent symbol. The European hunter who came to the area in 1913 is shown in photos with his foot on a lion’s mane. He seems to think of himself as a ‘Super lion’. By 1921 most of the lions had been shot and the scarcity of lions was the stimulus for making Serengeti, the size of Northern Ireland, a National Park. Since then fortunate visitors have seen the magnificent scenery and the vast herds of grazing animals and have got close to prides of resting lions.

I remember seeing such a pride. There were so many friendly exchanges, lickings and head rubbings that I was tempted to get out of the car and join in, especially as one lioness was lying on her back asking to be stroked!

Visitors accept lion society without questioning, but scientists, comparing it with the life style of more solitary cats have been puzzled. This ‘Survival Special’ film is the result of a recent two year project by Richard Mathews and Samantha Purdy. This involved them in danger, considerable discomfort and a great deal of drudgery but it was well worthwhile.

We saw the Serengeti at all times and all seasons; the migration of the huge herds of wildebeest and the animals left behind, especially the lions driven to tackling ostrich eggs, unsuccessfully and robbing cheetah of their prey, successfully.
One of the most exciting sequences was taken during a four day and night trek. With the aid of binoculars, cameras and film adapted for night viewing they showed us a pride at its most active. For their study the scientists kept records of individual lions. They noted and drew the nicks in their ears and the spots on their muzzles; and they listened to bleeps from electronic collars fitted to some of the lions. All this was shown with an enthralling sound track and traditional African music in the background.

The picture emerged of two groups of lion society; one being the small group of unrelated males who live together temporarily and the larger matriarchal group with only one or two adult males. By hunting strategically, large prey can be brought down, but there are other reasons for grouping. The females of the matriarchal pride are all related; they will feed one another’s cubs, and we even saw one wounded lioness who could not share the hunt share the kill.

While he is in residence the adult male is a protector, an amiable consort and a tolerant father, but about two years later he is ousted by a mature younger male or males. We saw two, who had been members of a ‘bachelor’ group, drive away the resident male. Although he put up a token fight at the edge of his territory little harm was done, The newcomers entered the new pride and drove out all the nearly mature males, again without bloodshed.

After that a vague menace became a horrifying reality. The newcomers, finding the resident lionesses unwilling to accept them, killed all the cubs they could find. Two days later the bereft lionesses came into season and after a while accepted the newcomers.

This apparent descent from nobility to savagery is disturbing but all lion behaviour has a purpose. Their usual corporate care of the cubs and even a wounded lioness is not as consciously generous, nor is the slaughter of the innocents as casually cruel as we might imagine from an anthropomorphic viewpoint.

As for us?
It is only thanks to some far seeing and caring members of our species who made the area a national park, to the scientists and film makers of today, and to the people of Tanzania who are responsible for the region that we can enjoy watching ‘The Queen of Beasts’ in her natural setting and reflect on how the ‘super lions’ can be reconciled among themselves and with nature. I am now going to ask ITV for a repeat!
Shirin Spencer

MAKONDE: WOODEN SCULPTURE FROM EAST AFRICA. From the Malde Collection. An Exhibition (April 2 – May 21. 1989) and Seminar (April 15, 1989) at the Museum of Modern Art, Oxford.

The exhibits are separate pieces about 18 inches or more high, mostly columnar, worked to a smooth finish in black hardwood, mainly bearing individual artists’ names, and dated between around 1940-1970.

At first I was somewhat baffled, attracted and repelled. The often twisting, intertwining elongated figures variously distorted and even abstract yet disturbingly realistic fell into no category I was familiar with. But I was fascinated. Gradually I began to see meaning in the strangeness. The postures and activities portrayed found an echo in my own experience. There was common ground.

Then I was lucky enough to talk to Mott Malde, the collector of the pieces (We hope to publish an article on the way in which the collection was made in our next issue – Editor), and I began, after he had helped me with some stylistic puzzles, a little to enter the world of the Makonde and to identify with the themes which preoccupied them. The ‘big-headed teacher’ talks animatedly to the eager and respectful ‘little’ students who cluster round him; (size expressing importance is a familiar concept in art); a woman gives birth; a mischievous ‘spirit’ taunts and upsets two human figures; the ‘spirit’ meant to be protecting the fruit crop yields to the temptation of the succulent fruit and opens his (huge) mouth, greedily eating whilst a large turd falls from his anus (he is punished by diarrhoea ?!); ‘He who would not listen’ portrays a young man mournfully surveying his limp, ineffective penis, and ‘She who would not listen’ shows a woman whose flat, hollowed stomach suggests infertility. For the moment I am leaving out the few masks which are displayed. They come into rather a different category, I think , and require a more strictly anthropological approach than the one I am taking in these few notes.

During the last century the impact of Europeans (missionaries, traders, etc.) stimulated the Makonde to develop further their traditional wood carving. In response to direct requests they made small pieces, usually port raying ordinary everyday domestic activities. But from the 1940’s onwards they developed a more liberated, independent and individual style, using their own imagination and corporate myths to express their own unique from of life. They felt free to express fun and ribaldry, the seriousness of teaching the young the pain and joy of sexuality and reproduction, and the vulnerability of humans to the caprice of the ‘Spirits’. Different styles emerged, but most seem to be based on the tree trunk, a column of wood with the figures either carved in relief leaving the solid wood intact, or – quite breathtakingly – hollowing out the wood leaving sinuous intertwining figures of immense delicacy and inventiveness, resulting in a most satisfying filigree design. Sometimes the abstraction is so extreme one responds entirely to the aesthetic pleasure of the flowing lines weaving wonderfully balanced shapes, using both external and internal surfaces. But (almost) always, on close inspection, one realises that limbs, faces, hands and feet are intricately carved and the whole is alive with the active human or animal form.

Not surprisingly this work became popular with visitors who wanted to buy it. Various outlets were used, including of course, airports, and this has given rise to what seems to be a misconception. Because the pieces are readily saleable at airports, which therefore stimulates further production, the derogatory term ‘airport art’ has been in this case misapplied. Mr. Malde was very insistent that all his pieces are carved by genuine artists, who decide the subject themselves and who, like most practising artists, are pleased to have their work bought.

The SEMINAR was held to discuss ‘Issues of Colonialism, Primitivism, Exoticism and Western Attitudes Towards Indigenous Art’. The well-qualified speakers talked learnedly and fairly about primitive art (is it art ?) but, I felt, from a purely detached Western perspective. As I listened I became increasingly uncomfortable. These were people of meticulous scholarship, who clearly respected indigenous art and judged it worthy of study on its own terms, but whose emotional distancing, their retreat almost into academic concepts gave the implicit message that of course a direct and instinctive response to the sculptures themselves was for a European impossible. I profoundly disagree. Undoubtedly the more one knows of the background and life of the Makonde the more one’s understanding and appreciation of the sculptures increases. And certainly we delude ourselves if we claim, arrogantly, completely to understand what we are seeing. But having said that, I feel if we lay aside (as far as we ever can) our own cultural conditioning, and humbly allow ourselves to respond naturally and simply to the carvings, a great deal of their fundamental meaning is communicated to us. I am sure that our common humanity, our shared hopes, fears, joys and longings provides a common ground from which we can enter into the spirit of the work of art. If it is passionately and honestly made, we can have a passionate and honest response to it. Then it becomes both ‘other’ and ‘familiar’.

This is an excellent exhibition, and large and varied enough to give one a rich experience of a modern art form of culture different from our own, engrossing in its own unfolding into a new form of an old society. We must thank the Oxford Museum for mounting it.

(The exhibition will be in Preston in July and August, Southampton in September and October, Bristol in December and January, Glasgow in January and February and Leicester from February to April 1990 – Editor)
Kathleen Marriott

THE TANZANIAN CHAPTER

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The Tanzanian Chapter of the Britain-Tanzania Society has elected its office bearers for the year 1988/89. Mr. Amon Nsekela is Chairman and Vice President, Professor A. S. Msangi, Vice-President, Dr. Esther Mwaikambo, Honorary Secretary, Mr. E.W.K. Bejumula, Associate Secretary and Mrs. Agnes Msuya, Treasurer.

Those elected to the Executive Committee were A. Kanylili, O. Luena, K. J. Kunulilo, C. Eliapenda, P.M. Eliapenda, C. Imray (British High Commissioner), Dr. S.P Mosha, M.B. Mgina, A.A. Kaduri and J. Ndonde.

DEVALUATION

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On November 4th 1988 the value of the Tanzanian shilling was reduced from Shs 98 to Shs 120 to the dollar or about Shs 220 to the pound and further creeping downward adjustment was envisaged in subsequent months down to the end of the financial year in June 1989. This adjustment was made with the agreement of all concerned, including the government and the Party, following a review of the developments in the economy resulting from the Economic Recovery Programme. It was not an easy decision to take (President Mwinyi, speaking to the Zanzibar House of Representatives on November 10th 1988 described it as ‘very bitter but inevitable’ – Editor), nor was the extent of the planned devaluation easy to determine. Even at 8hs 120 to the dollar, the latter still appeared to be exchanged at a value below the informal market rate in shilling terms, but the market rate probably includes a premium reflecting the intensity of desire to obtain dollars not otherwise obtainable through legal channels in order to gain access to foreign markets; moreover, open market transactions in currency, being strictly illegal, are clandestine and accordingly difficult to evaluate with precision.

There were a number of reasons for the difficulty in deciding on the new value. Exporters always obtain an advantage from devaluation because it reduces the cost of their wares, without cost to them, in foreign markets. On the other hand the dramatic rise in the shilling price of the dollar since the middle of 1986 has confronted importers with a serious problem in financing their purchases of foreign exchange, which has become increasingly expensive in shilling terms. Al though importers can expect to get their money back when they sell their imports, their purchases have to be financed in the meantime and sales may be slow. Where resort to a bank loan becomes necessary, they are likely to be confronted with a demand for interest in the region of 30% This problem of interim financing also confronts exporters where imports are necessary for the production of their export commodities.

The government therefore finds itself navigating between Scilla and Charibdis. If exchange rate adjustment is abandoned, or slowed down, Tanzania will be progressively priced out of foreign markets, while import pressures will increase, leading to chaos in the country’s foreign exchange account. On the other hand, excessive depreciation of the shilling will impose impossible burdens on Tanzanian industry, including that part of it catering for the foreign market. Between these two policies resides the fact that there is no single objectively correct rate of exchange, but rather a range of values which maintains an equitable balance between the interests of exporters and importers and broadly corresponds with relative price levels in Tanzania and abroad. Within this range the fixing of a rate is a matter for political and administrative judgement and it was the difficult task of arriving at such a conclusion that underlay the choice of shillings 120 to the dollar in November 1988. Not everybody will agree with this choice, but the fact has emerged that it is nevertheless acceptable to the World Bank, the IH and other donors, including the United Kingdom, as a valid basis for continued support of the government’s Economic Recovery Programme. The result has been a commitment of Bank money on soft (IDA) terms of US$ 135 million, supported by the African Development Fund in the sum of US$ 24 million and co-financing from Switzerland of 14 million, the Netherlands of 10 million and the United Kingdom of 15 million dollars.

Exchange rate adjustment, by increasing the cost of imports in shilling terms, is also a contributor to inflationary pressures. At the same time it is the rate at which Tanzanian prices are rising in comparison with the rate of inflation of Tanzania’ s trading partners that largely determines the need of exchange rate adjustment. If inflation in Tanzania can be brought down to a low figure, comparable, let us say, to the present rate of inflation in the United Kingdom, the need for further exchange rate adjustment in Tanzania will largely disappear. Moreover, the inordinately high nominal rates of interest now chargeable on bank loans, themselves a severe burden on industry, will be considerably reduced. The movement of the exchange rate that we have been witnessing – technically known as ‘exchange rate management’ – can thus be seen as a way of adjusting to the consequences of high inflation, though a medicine with unfortunate side effects.

Exchange rate adjustment is thus seen as a necessary though uncomfortable feature of economic policy. It is probable, therefore, that the reduction of the rate of inflation, itself a cause of impoverishment and potential social unrest, will now become a major object of government policy. There are already signs that inflation is beginning to slow down and it is clear from the budget speech of June 1988 that the fight against it will from now on be intensified.
J. Roger Carter

THE LONG HAUL BACK TO ECONOMIC RECOVERY

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Tanzania is now in the fifth year of its economic recovery following six years of drought. Food production has grown at 3.5 to 4% over the past three years. The economic growth rate for 1988 seems certain to reach 5%, with inflation on the decrease and some signs of vigorous recovery in industrial output. Over the past four years the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has grown about one fifth from its low point in 1983, and over one seventh from its recession level in 1978. These figures show the long hard slog that faces Tanzanians on the road back to full recovery. The present pace of growth remains unsatisfactory, with the living standards of almost half of urban households and, perhaps, a third of rural households still only at, or even below, the poverty datum line.

Sustained recovery now depends on at least a few more years of reasonable rainfall; increased efficiency in the public and private sectors; a lessening of the defence budget (which has risen because of the military aid being given to Mozambique); and on the terms of foreign trade not changing adversely. Given these conditions it is possible for Tanzania to maintain a growth record of 6 to 8% through to 1991; even so, this would restore per capita income to between 93% and 100% of the 1977 level – the year of Tanzania’s economic collapse due to the quadrupling of oil prices; the beginning of the six year cycle of drought; the cost of the war against Amin’s Uganda; the downturn of world trade prices for the country’s exports, and the increase in the cost of imports; as well as because of some mistaken government policies, especially in the performance of several parastatals.

Writing in the next volume of the African Contemporary Record, Prof. R. Herbold Green of the Institute of Development Studies of Sussex University, estimates that the cost of Tanzania’s military assistance to Mozambique was between US$ 125 and US$ 150 million in 1987-88. Two thirds of this expenditure involved direct or indirect imports. The restoration of security across the border would therefore be of considerable benefit to Tanzania’s national budget.

Weather and trade terms are ever present threats. However, the last four averagely good harvests have enabled the country to build up a maize reserve of up to 180,000 bags, which is enough to see it through at least one bad season.

Prof. Green estimates that external financial gross inflows are probably in excess of between US$ 500 and US$ 900 million. If technical assistance is excluded, the figure is between US$ 650 and US$ 800 million which, he says, is not enough for the country’s needs – especially if there is still no agreement on alleviating the unmanageable external debt-service burden.

Exports have not increased as much as was hoped for due to disease of cashew nut trees, falls in coffee prices, a slow turnaround of sisal production and bottlenecks in processing and transporting cotton. But even if these products, which form the old bases of export earnings, are marketed normally, they would still be insufficient to produce the needed lift-up of the total economy. They will need to be supplemented by increased manufacturing, natural gas exploitation and greater gold production.

Efficiency increases have been achieved – from grain marketing through operations of the Dar es Salaam harbour to electricity; but there are still sectors of poor services such as water supply for the capital, local transport, agricultural processing and in much of industry.

Prof Green cites three reasons why Tanzania’s external balance remains fragile.

First, with 1987 imports of goods at US$ 1,092 million and exports at US$ 347 million, only a net transfer receipt in excess of exports is able to keep the gap plugged. Second, exports are not rising rapidly, remaining static over 1986-87, with main commodity proceeds falling over 20% for price and volume reasons, balanced by rises in manufacture, secondary commodities and minerals . Third, the 1987 import level of US$ 1,092 million (only 4% up nominally and down perhaps 6-8% in volume terms on 1986) includes US$ 125-150 million worth of consumer goods and, perhaps, US$ 50-75 million defence-related elements not included in the US$ 1,200 million minimum imports for efficient rehabilitation and operation of the economy so that the shortfall is of the order of 20% Compared to the 1983 situation, however, imports are up over 35% in nominal terms (and perhaps 25% in real terms), and external transfers are up markedly, albeit exports have actually declined (largely for price reasons), falling over US$ 90 million to 1985 before rising to over 1]S$ 60 million thereafter.

On a fiscal year basis the trends are slightly more encouraging. The 1986-87 level was US$ 355 million and 1987-88 is estimated at US$ 388 million; but even here main commodity exports showed a fall of US$ 44 million whereas exports of manufactured goods rose US$ 32 million (the whole net gain), and of minerals and secondary commodities by US$44 million.
Colin Legum

KILIMANJARO – A CENTENNIAL

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The first encounters between European missionaries and explorers and the local Africans led to very mixed reactions. The same is true of the impact of the colonialists who came in their wake. While they brought Christianity, education, medicine and a degree of development they also exposed the continent to distortions which still vibrate today in the form of unbalanced economies, alien cultural trends and previously unknown diseases. And Africa is facing difficulties in trying to correct such distortions while continuing to enjoy the benefits of the better aspects of these encounters such as mission hospitals, charitable organisations and, not least, foreign aid.

This bitter-sweet relationship between the first Europeans and local Africans was due to be re-lived in a novel way in Kilimanjaro region early in November 1988. The re-living, in the form of a historical musical drama, ‘Kilimanjaro’ was due to be staged at the International School, Moshi, from November 3rd to 5th 1988. It was written by the school’s music and drama teacher, Kevin Allen-Schmid in collaboration with several local residents. The occasion was also intended as a tribute to the 99th anniversary of the first recorded climbing of Mount Kilimanjaro by a German geologist, Hans Meyer, and an Austrian mountaineer, Ludwig Purtscheller on the 5th October 1889. The proceeds are to be used primarily to establish a scholarship fund to assist the needy and enable local students to attend secondary school. Although the mountain was reportedly climbed for the first time in 1889 it had already been Sighted 41 years earlier by another European, Johannes Rebman, a missionary sent by the Church Missionary Society, on May 11th 1848 (locals had of course ‘discovered’ the mountain from time immemorial). Much to his dismay, Rebman’s report of a ‘great snowy mountain’ near the equator was received in Europe with outright scepticism. It was not until 1860 that the existence of snow-capped Kilimanjaro was generally conceded in Europe.

The drama has been based on the diaries of Rebman, and another early missionary, Ludwig Krapf, but the geographical focus of the play is the Village of Machame and through stories, songs and dances typical of the 1840’s we learn as much about the Machame Villagers of the time as we do about the first Christian missionaries.

‘Kilimanjaro’ was first staged two years ago by the International School and Weruweru Girls School students but has been revised to provide a more historically accurate picture of Rebman’s experiences.

The original was mostly in English; the new version has dialogue in three languages – Machame villagers speaking Kimachame, coastal people speaking Kiswahili and missionaries and their guides speaking English. By tracing Rebman’s steps from Europe to East Africa, ‘Kilimanjaro’ provides a wide ranging variety of music from Bach to traditional ngomas. A remarkable aspect of the production is the diversity of Moshi residents who participate including not only actors and dancers but, for example, the Moshi advocate Eric Ng’maryo who translated some of the dialogues and lyrics into Kiswahili and worked as a consultant on historical details and Mrs. Elly Nkya, Head of the International School’s Science Department who did the same into Kimachame. According to the author, although same of the audience will not understand all three languages the plot is easy to follow and the music can be universally appreciated – SHIHATA

(Tana Travel of Stratford-on-Avon are arranging visits to Kilimanjaro in 1989 to celebrate the Centenary of the first recorded climb of Mount Kilimanjaro. After the climb there will be a celebration dinner at the Moshi Hotel on October 6th 1989 – Editor)

PRESIDENT MWINYI’S VIEWS ON ARCHITECTURE

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President Mwinyi has been expressing views about architecture which seem to be in some sympathy with those of Prince Charles. He is quoted in the October 13 issue of the Daily News as having said in Zanzibar that architecture should focus on the need for privacy, the desire for beauty and the serenity of a harmonious environment. These human needs, he said, should not be held hostage to fashion or technology.

“There is much to learn from the experience of earlier generations, gathered by centuries of trial and error, before we seek to discard this legacy for the often illusory promise of solutions imported from the western world” he told an international seminar organised by the Aga Khan Award for Architecture.

Explaining that the pressing demands of a modernising world were straining the continued existence of a historical inter-cultural architecture in Eastern Africa, the President stressed the need to preserve and enhance the indigenous heritage. He commended efforts being made to preserve this heritage, citing the Bahari Beach Hotel buildings and the Mosque at the University of Dar es Salaam.

WILLIAMSON DIAMOND MINES – IN NEED OF A FACELIFT

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Asukile Kyando of SHIHATA has been interviewing Mr. Sylvanus Mipawa, General Manager of Williamson Diamond Mines about the present state of affairs at the mines.

They are situated in Mwadui town in Shinyanga region and were first discovered in 1940. They have the largest Kimberlite pipe in the world with a surface area of 360 acres. 50% or more of the production is gem quality diamonds. Total gross diamond sales between 1958 and 1987 are quoted at Shs 5,309 million. There are about 3,000 workers. The mines recorded their highest production of diamonds in 1966 – 47,000 m carats (a carat is equivalent to 0.2 grams) but in 1987 there were only 124,000 m carats.

One of the main reasons for the fall in production is the diminished ore grades. The former and richer deposits have been depleted after 48 years of mining but there still remain some 75.4 m tons of ore reserves at a grade of 5.1 carats per 100 tons. Ore available for mining to the planned 300 ft level is 35.1 m tons with a total of 2,202 m carats of diamonds. “So therefore” Mr. Mipawa said, “we shall keep on hearing about Mwadui mines for a very long time to come – we are certainly talking of a lifespan of at least ten years – provided that steps are taken to rehabilitate the plant and machinery”.

Mr. Mipawa was asked how he compared the old Mwadui and today’s Mwadui. He replied: “Mwadui town is relatively new. The biggest part of it was built in the 1960’s. Hence people have sweet memories of new houses, roads and other facilities. But now the town has started to age. It requires a facelift. Mwadui was also famous for its very modern self-service supermarkets with almost everything one can think of on sale. That is no longer the case and the difference is significant. …. Even in the production areas things have changed. The plant is old and its performance is very unsatisfactory … What we have in mind is to carry out a rehabilitation programme that will put plant availability back to an average of 80% In order to do so we will need at least US$ 5.0 million.”

FROM KINGS AFRICAN RIFLES TO TANZANIA PEOPLES DEFENCE FORCE

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NEW ARMY

(Extracts from a paper presented by Col. F.S. Swai at the International Conference on the Arusha Declaration)

THE COLONIAL PERIOD
The colonial army – the Kings African Rifles (KAR) – was both a pan-territorial army and a segment of the British army with allegiance to the Queen and empire. KAR soldiers did not have to serve in their country of origin but could be stationed anywhere in East Africa. At the time of independence there were two battalions of the KAR – the 6th in Dar es Salaam and the 2nd in Tabora. The total strength was around 1,500 soldiers.

INDEPENDENCE AND THE MUTINY
At independence, the new government of Tanganyika took over the two battalions and renamed them the Tanganyika Rifles (TR). An arrangement was made for the soldiers who had been recruited in Kenya and Uganda to return gradually to their respective countries while those from Tanganyika who were serving outside could equally do the same. But apart from the change of name and the moving out of non-Tanganyikan soldiers, the military establishment remained the same both in its composition and its ideology. The so-called martial tribes (in particular the Wahehe and Watende (Wakuria)) constituted the bulk of the soldiers while the command structure remained British. The 29 British officers, under a British Brigadier, were retained in the army and given the task of training the locals until such time as they were able to manage their own affairs. But if the past was to be taken as the British pattern of promotion then it was going to take many years before the command structure would be completely nationalised. This structure of command, dominated by white officers imbued with their racial superiority and looking down upon the African officers and the rank and file and the dim prospects for change, despite the changed political situation, was to become a source of tension and the major contributor to the military mutiny in 1964.

In the end the native rank and file thought that they had no alternative but to resort to mutiny to air their grievances. The grievances were basically two. The soldiers wanted British officers removed and they wanted an increase in pay and the restoration of certain fringe benefits.

The mutiny was organised by a handful of local rank and file. Initially it was only the battalion stationed in Dar es Salaam that was involved. They were poorly trained and armed and yet they managed to put a whole government machinery to a standstill from January 20th to 25th 1964. This was possible despite the good organisational set-up of TANU throughout the country. For five days neither the Party nor the government machinery managed to organise any local resistance. On the other hand, the suppression of the mutiny required only a handful of British marines.

Hence we find that by January 1964 Tanganyika, like most other independent African countries, had a military that was too small for the defence of the territorial boundaries and unreliable for national reconstruction.

After the mutiny all private soldiers were dismissed and sent to their home villages. Their place had to be taken by recruitment of fresh youth.

DESIGNING THE NEW ARMY
In designing the new army the government and the Party took into consideration three factors. In the first place, while immediately after independence the government and Party had tried to find ways of accommodating different sectoral interests such as those of the trade unions and the civil service, the same was not done for the military. The military did not identify itself with TANU policies, nor did the leaders of TANU have any contacts with the military. The military was taken as an apolitical institution. Secondly was the fact that most of the nationalist leaders who had struggled for independence saw high government posts which were to be vacated by the colonial administrators as the quickest means of amassing wealth and leading a comfortable life. In this struggle for sharing the ‘National Cake’ the military was ignored and left out. A third factor was the obvious weakness of the political system demonstrated by the mutiny and its later suppression.

In designing the new army the military was no longer to be taken for granted. Its place in the political set-up had to be well defined so that it identified with the policies of the Party and the government.

THE ARMY IS STRENGTHENED
The period between 1964 and 1967 was crucial in defining the role that the military would play in Tanzania.

It was in 1964 that the first shots were fired by FRELIMO to mark the launching of the guerrilla war against Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique. Tanzania was to become the rear base for this protracted war. The OAU had also selected Dar es Salaam as the Headquarters of the Organisation for African Unity’s Liberation Committee which was covering all the other liberation movements in Africa as well. To the political leadership in Tanzania, this position that the country was taking up had to be backed up by a stronger military than two battalions of the TR.

It was also during the period of 1964-67 that the country had to demonstrate its non-alignment. Unlike the time when all weapons systems had come from NATO the army started to acquire arms from the Eastern block and especially from China. The Canadians were called in in 1966 to train in administration while the Chinese came for tactics in 1967.

After 1964 the Tanzania Peoples Defence Force (TPDF) as it was now known had three infantry battalions – in Dar es Salaam, Tabora and Nachingwea. The air transport battalion was started in 1964, the tank and armour battalion in 1965 and a navy unit in 1967.

INVOLVING THE WHOLE POPULATION
Concrete measures had to be taken to involve a greater part of the population in defence matters. In 1966 a National Service Act was introduced. This required all youths finishing high school or doing any advanced training after Form IV to join the National Service.

Idi Amin’s coup in Uganda made it crucial for the political leadership to secure army loyalty in Tanzania. Previous to this there had been the abortive invasion of Guinea by Portuguese forces because of that country’s support for the liberation movement in neighbouring Guinea Bissau. There was fear that something similar would happen in Tanzania because of its support for FRELIMO in Mozambique. The suppression of the attack on Guinea by a citizen militia led the Party to call for a similar type of military preparedness in Tanzania. Serious involvement of the masses in military preparedness came about therefore after the Party Guidelines (MWONGOZO) were issued in 1971. TPDF instructors were sent to every district and work place throughout the country to provide military training. Militia training is done in the evening after the normal working hours and it takes up to four months to complete the course. Recruitment of the militia is done by the Party at branch level. After training, personnel become part of the reserve army but its command is directly under the Party and not the military. The use of the militia during peace time is to perform police and security duties.

Next followed changes in the composition of the regular army. From 1976 a TPDF Bill was passed in Parliament to the effect that only officers, non-commissioned officers and technical personnel would be employed by the army on a permanent basis. The rest of the rank and file would join the army on a contract basis after which they would go home to form part of the reserve army, while fresh recruits were taken from the National Service. This policy of involving the masses proved its worth during the 1978-79 war between Tanzania and Uganda. Every level of the Party had to mobilise for the front or rear defence work. In this way it proved possible, within two months, to raise an army of 50,000 men that finally brought down the Idi Amin government in April 1979. After the war demobilisation was done by the Party in the same way. Some of the militia were returned home (this exercise took only one month); the bulk of the militia remained in uniform and constituted part of the now much larger TPDF.

POLITICISATION
After the mutiny Mwalimu Julius Nyerere called on TANU youths to volunteer for army service. Selection was undertaken by Party branches on the basis of commitment to and identification with the Party and its policies. This process produced 500 new recruits. But this number was not enough for the new army. Hence there was a selective recall of former members of the TR. As long as they had not been directly involved in the masterminding of the mutiny they could be recalled. By this process most of the former TR soldiers were taken back. However, they had to become TANU members.

In this way we find that since its formation in 1964 the TPDF was made up of soldiers who identified themselves with the ruling Party. The soldiers not only undertook professional training but were also subjected to political education. This education emphasised the history of the nationalist struggle for independence and the goals of the Party and political leadership in creating a unified nation. Under the Arusha Declaration the role of the army was defined as that of being a vanguard for the building of socialism and as a college for defence and socialism.

When addressing soldiers in Zanzibar in 1973 Mwalimu Nyerere said …. “there is no single African country which will succeed to build socialism and bring respect to the African man without making its army accept socialism; if our army accepts socialism no one will be able to prevent socialism in our country.”

After the 1971 Party Guidelines there was instituted a system of Political Education Officers most of whom had graduated from the Party Ideological College in Kivukoni. It was their responsibility to raise the level of political consciousness of the soldiers at each level. Around 20% of training time is allocated to this.

The army was organised on the basis of ‘democratic centralism’. Thus the control of the army by the Party organ is found at the national level. But below this level the Party operates as two parallel organs in the army and outside. The major difference is that, while in the civilian organisation of the Party the chairmen of the various organs are elected and do not have government executive powers, in the case of the army, the chairmen of the various organs are not elected and hold their positions by virtue of their executive powers in the Command structure. For example, the moment one is appointed a battalion commander one automatically becomes the chairman of the Party branch in the battalion. Similarly, one cannot become a branch chairman in the army if one is not first appointed battalion commander. Whoever is appointed the Political Commissar of a formation in the army automatically becomes the secretary of the Party at that level. Apart from these two posts of chairman and secretary all other committee members in the army are elected according to the Party constitution and procedures. In Party meetings an atmosphere is created whereby the ordinary soldier can ask about and criticise Party policies and their implementation. But the success of the meetings depends very much on the ideological clarity of the chairman and his secretary in creating an atmosphere of free discussion, given the strong command powers they possess.

MISCELLANY

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WARIOBA STRESSES MILITIA TRAINING
Prime Minister and First Vice-President Joseph Warioba has called on the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces (TPDF) to step up militia training in order to contain incidents of burglary and crime in general. Mr Warioba, who was speaking at the Monduli Military Academy on September 24th 1988, said that in times of peace defence forces should be utilised in internal security matters. He therefore urged the TPDF to understand the new militia policy – Daily News

AN OPEN UNIVERSITY
The Daily News reports that Tanzania’s Ministry of Education has appointed a 14 man task force ‘that will be responsible for the setting up of an Open University.’ The Chairman is the former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam, Mr. Nicholas Kuhanga.

PRESIDENT MWINYI AND MOTHER TERESA
As President Mwinyi’s motorcade was leaving State House to drive out for lunch on its way to the airport on October 31, 1988 the President heard that Mother Teresa, who was in Tanzania for one day to attend a ceremony in which eight new sisters of her order took their vows, was just entering the gates. He thereupon immediately demonstrated his respect for old ladies (Mother Teresa is 79) by breaking his journey and returning to State House to welcome her. Mother Teresa looked delighted by the President’s gesture. “I have nothing to give you. But this is what I have” she said. She presented the President with a statue of the Virgin Mary – Daily News

BRITAIN DOUBLES AID TO TANZANIA
Sir Geoffrey Howe visiting Dar es Salaam in September 1988 announced that British project aid would be increased to £18.0 million in the 1988/89 year, a 50% rise on the previous year. Sir Geoffrey also handed over 15 new trucks (part of a consignment of 30) for use by the Cooperative Unions in the Western cotton growing areas.

Speaking about the Economic Reform Programme at a dinner hosted by the Tanzania Government the Foreign Secretary said that he would like to salute the courage of President Mwinyi and all Tanzanians in pursuing “this hard but necessary road.”

DEALING WITH CRITICS
Zanzibar Chief Minister Dr. Omar Ali Juma has said that his government will not resort to repressive measures to deal with a clique of critics as long as actions by these adversaries do not develop into conspiracy or sedition against the state.

“The government has no intention of enacting a detention law or embark on mass arrests of dissidents because this will abort the democratisation process” he said.

The government was keeping dossiers on people engaged in anti-government activities to ascertain that their actions would not breach peace and security in the Isles – Sunday News

FIGHTING CASHEW NUT DISEASE
A fungal mildew disease of cashew nuts, known as Powdery Mildew is considered by the Ministry of Agriculture to be the main cause of the drastic reduction in cashewnut production in Tanzania from 145,000 tons in 1974 to 22,000 tons last year.

Now, in a project jointly financed by the government and the World Bank, a serious attempt is being made to check the disease. Dr. A.B. Shresta, an agronomist with the FAO has said that trials carried out in 1986 and 1987 showed that, where crops were sprayed with sulphur compounds, increases in yields of between twenty five and eighty per cent had been achieved.

According to Deputy Agriculture Minister, Amran Mayagila, large quantities of sulphur dust and blowers have been imported and a major campaign has been launched – SHIHATA