OBITUARIES

Christine Lawrence - thank you to Mrs Hilary Herbert for this - Editor

CHRISTINE LAWRENCE died on January 7 aged 80.
She played a pivotal role in the early days of the Britain- Tanzania Society when she did an immense amount of work on the administrative and financial side working with Bishop Trevor Huddleston and Roger Carter. She kept closely in touch with very many BTS members and with others connected to Tanzania and proved invaluable in locating and recruiting people to contribute to Tanzanian Affairs. She herself wrote numerous book, film and TV documentary reviews about Tanzania on a wide variety of subjects. She was present at virtually every meeting of the Society and was an active member of the committee. She played a leading role in organising society meetings and plying participants with refreshments.

At her funeral, Society member Keith Lye read out a tribute he had written:

‘Christine Lawrence made a massive contribution to many disadvantaged and impoverished people, particularly in Africa and Britain.

After completing a two-year course to become a child welfare officer, she went to run the Mahiwa Young Farmer’s Training Centre, in southern Tanzania, which had been set up by Bishop Trevor Huddleston, then the Bishop of Masasi. One of Christine’s most remarkable achievements, long before Women’s Lib, was to introduce courses at the centre for girls, the college having previously been exclusively for boys.

On her return to Britain in 1970, she worked for 20 years at Friends House, where she made many friends among the Quaker community. They shared the same ideals, especially in supporting projects to help people in what we then called the ‘Third World’. She made a return visit to Tanzania in 1972 and worked at a farm school on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro.

When we were working together, she was a stickler for detail. Like others, I got my knuckles rapped whenever I generalised or was imprecise. Christine was a most able and efficient person. Inspired by her deep Christian faith, she touched the lives of many people and she will be very much missed.

The funeral was held at the small and very attractive Gospel Oak Methodist Church in London. The BTS was represented by the Fennells and David Brewin.

The popular satirist ADAM LUSEKELO, whose columns in various newspapers over the years amused and sometimes shocked readers has died aged 56. The Citizen on Sunday said that he had a way with words and the use of simple and entertaining language. ‘Look at the names of his columns – Light touch (Sunday News), Punch Line (Daily Mail), Eyespy (This Day) – they all smacked of naughtiness. He rebuked the men in power and got away with it… he had no qualms about describing some of the politicians as ‘Bull crap,’ ‘trash comedy’, ‘baloney’, ‘empty talk’. Lusekelo was the BBC correspondent in Dar in the 80s and 90s and he had in recent years established himself as a Radio 4 presenter (for programmes including Africa’s Fourth Estate, 2005; the Living With Aids series, 2006; A Voyage On Livingstone’s Lake, the story of the MV Ilala boat on Lake Malawi, 2009; and Africa at 50: Wind of Change, 2010). He was buried with a chief’s honours, next to his father’s grave in Rungwe.

Emeritus Professor MICHAEL LATHAM OBE was born in Tanzania in 1928 and studied medicine at Trinity College in Dublin. One of his books, Kilimanjaro Tales: The Saga of a Medical Family in Africa, combined his and his mother’s accounts of their early life in Tanzania. From 1955 to 1964 he was a district medical officer and director of the nutrition unit of the Ministry of Health in Tanzania, and was awarded the OBE in 1965 for distinguished service. He joined Cornell University in 1968 after four years at Harvard, and remained there for over 40 years as a highly respected nutrionist. He was a cofounder and co-chair of the advisory group of the World Alliance for Breastfeeding Action and one of the first people to recognise the risks and campaign against the widespread marketing of powdered baby formula milk in developing countries. In 2007, the African Nutrition Graduate Students Network presented its first lifetime achievement award to Dr. Latham for his work to improve nutrition in Africa, and in 2008 he was awarded an order of merit from the United Nations System Standing Committee on Nutrition.

The EARL OF OXFORD AND ASQUITH (94), the grandson of Prime Minister HH Asquith, died on January 16 , 2011. After serving in Libya he was moved to Zanzibar in 1963. He said later that it had been a mistake to grant independence to the country in 1963 as it was clear that it had been suffering from underlying instability due to racial antipathies. He found the Arab politicians unreliable in both judgement and in action – The Times.

The Anglophile German historian and diplomat FRITZ CASPARI (96) died on December 1. After a distinguished career in Germany, Britain, Portugal and America, one of his final jobs was responsibility for German diplomatic relations with the Third World and the UN. In the Obituary in the Times (Thank you John Sankey for this – Editor) reference was made to the death in a plane crash in Tanzania of his eldest son Hans Michael who was serving in the UN. Thank you John also for the note you sent following the death on December 12 2010 of FATHER KIT CUNNINGHAM who spent 10 years at a Rosminion School in Tanzania.

Jonathan Hill, son of the Permanent Secretary for Home Affairs immediately before and after the independence of Tanganyika, has written to us to record the death of his father, DENYS CHALLMERS HILL OBE. He was in the Colonial Service in Tanganyika from 1940 to 1962 and, while holding various positions in the administration, he was involved in the Groundnut Scheme, a road to the (then) new Serengeti National Park, the distribution of famine relief during the war period and surveying the Ruaha Game Reserve.

REVIEWS

Edited by John Cooper-Poole

THE WAYS OF THE TRIBE – A CULTURAL JOURNEY ACROSS NORTH-EASTERN TANZANIA, by Gervase Tatah Mlola, published by E & D Vision Publishing, Tanzania, October 2010. www.edvisionpublishing. co.tz. ISBN 978 9987 521 42 5. The book is available at all outlets of Novel Idea Bookshop in Tanzania, Kase Book Stores in Arusha, and the offices of Park East Africa Ltd., and the Tanzania Cultural Tourism Programme. In the UK, the book will shortly be available from www.africanbookscollective.com for £20.95 See www.waysofthetribe.com for more information on the book and some sample pages.

The Ways of the Tribe cover

Tanzania has a rich and diverse cultural landscape. The Ways of the Tribe is a compelling and authoritative reference work that makes a valuable contribution towards documenting the ancient heritage of the various tribes that populate this vast and beautiful land. Mlola’s first book offers readers a fabulous survey of fourteen tribes from the north-east of Tanzania.

Whilst the Maasai may be familiar to readers worldwide, the book also chronicles less familiar peoples like the Barabaig of Hanang District and the Mbugu of the Usambara mountains. This account is the result of a decade of research arising from visits to the present-day tribal communities by the author – a respected travel writer and cultural expert.

The content of this book is arranged by tribe and within each chapter there are sections on origins, history, community life, and customs. The contribution of each tribe to the national life and development of the nation is also included with a range of fascinating stories, such as the heroic story of the Olympic runner John Stephen Akhwari of the Iraqw.

The Ways of the Tribe is a lively and engaging chronicle packed with legends, humour, and colourful insights into everything from the naming of babies to the brewing of sugar cane beer. Each chapter also contains a very useful bibliographical section; the work would benefit further from the inclusion of an index. In addition to many striking images contributed by Colin Hastings (now a director at Majority World Photo Library) and photographer Briony Campbell, there are also illustrations by artists Abdul Gugu and Bosco Mpitivyako. Their work (together with a selection of maps) contributes to the bright and attractive appearance of this publication.

Mlola’s scholarship has resulted in a very accurate historical account, but his work also provides another level of understanding beyond the factual. The author’s first-hand experiences, passion, and dedicated research also offer readers a valuable understanding of the interplay between the beauty of the land and the beauty of the people. In doing so he offers a unique insight into the essence of the identity and vibrancy of these peoples.

In addition, the author provides a description of the present-day circumstances and lifeways of these peoples. In doing so, we are reminded these tribes are real communities whose rich heritage is sadly threatened by a host of issues often faced by indigenous peoples around the globe who strive to retain their identities in a rapidly changing world. The final chapter on the “lost tribe” of Engaruka is a reminder of the fate of indigenous groups who are unable to withstand the social, economic and environmental pressures that may come to threaten their future.

The Ways of the Tribe is a well-presented and important reference work that will have widespread appeal. For students and scholars it is a valuable historical chronicle and present-day commentary on the tribes under discussion. The book should give Tanzanians a greater appreciation of their diverse and lively heritage. Tourists planning a visit to the region that is home to many worldfamous destinations will greatly benefit from understanding the peoples they may encounter on their holidays. And finally for the general reader, this lively reference work is a wonderful way to begin exploring the people, places and cultures of this fascinating part of Africa.
Antony Shaw.

This review first appeared in Tantravel, the official travel magazine of Tanzania Tourist Board, and we are grateful for permission to re-publish it here.

MAJI MAJI. LIFTING THE FOG OF WAR James Giblin and Jamie Monson, eds., Brill, Leiden, pp.xii and 325, 2010, ISBN 978 90 04 18342 1. US$107, Eur 75.

The greatest achievement of the first ‘Dar es Salaam school’ of history in the 1960s was the Maji Maji research project. Over forty years ago there was money available for student research in the vacations and very many were deployed to collect oral testimony in the areas which had been affected by Maji Maji. This research produced what Giblin and Monson call ‘the foundational accounts’ of the rebellion, mainly by John Iliffe and the late Gilbert Gwassa, in collections of ‘records’, articles, and books. These now classic works were very popular and influential both inside and outside Tanzania. For decades it did not seem necessary, or perhaps even possible, to review and revise them.

Forty years later, though, so much new work has been done on central and southern Tanzania that a second Maji Maji research project has become possible and perhaps essential. A ‘multi-year collaborative project … began in 2001’ and has taken longer and cost much more than the original research. This book is the result. Though its contributors present a variety of interpretations of Maji Maji it is in essence a revisionist work. The 1960s account of the rebellion, the editors hold, was unduly ‘statist’. It overestimated the reach and the presence of the colonial state and it overestimated the proto-nationalist intentions of resistance to it. It was also too tidy, making the violence seem more co-ordinated than it really was. It laid too much stress on the spread and effect of the maji medicine but at the same time accepted too uncritically the existence of ‘tribes’. The real situation was much messier and more shaped by local and fragmented realities.

Reading this book reminded me of the famous story of the blind men and the elephant – one feeling its tail and deducing it must be a snake, another embracing a leg and deducing it must be a tree and so forth. The contributors find in Maji Maji what they most hope to find. Thaddeus Sunseri, who has done so much good work on environmental history, says that ‘Maji Maji was a symbolic clash of hunting cultures’ – it was ‘the war of the hunters’. (119) Lorne Larson, who has been working on the Ngindo for decades and who has written on witchcraft eradication movements, finds Maji Maji to be the climax of the politics of medicine. Heike Schmidt, who has an active interest in black female political power, lays stress on the role of Nkomanile, an Ngoni ‘royal woman’. (197) James Giblin, who has ‘domesticated’ rural Tanzanian politics, emphasises an oral tradition that ‘the war occurred here [in Ubena] because of a woman. Mpangire wanted to marry Mwangasama, for the very reason that Mpangire had a great desire for brown women’. (284) Giblin finds this story ‘as plausible and as faithful to our admitedly incomplete knowledge of the events of September 1905 as any account yet devised by historians’. (286) In fact, Maji Maji was all these things and more, just as an elephant has ears and a tusk as well as a tail and legs.

Maji Maji was about the contest over elephants and it was about how to resolve the problem of evil. It was about desire, gender and slavery. It was about the failures of chiefs and elders as well as about the presumptions of German colonial officers. It was a revolt against colonialism but it was something much more profound than that. It was an attempt to resolve the desperate problems of society, economy, belief and enviroment. The brutality of its repression foreclosed any possibility of reaching solutions. As Heike Schmidt writes: ‘Death, starvation, displacement, enslavement, forced labour and humiliation dominated life into the years following the fighting … The deadly silence observed in 1907 still resonates in Ungoni today.’ (218-219).

This collection makes many innovations. There is a terrifying chapter by Michell Moyde on the Askari, which makes great play with John Iliffe’s work on honour. Heike Schmidt’s historian’s chapter on Ungoni is balanced by a chapter on the archaeology of Maji Maji in the district by Bertram Mapunda. Very effective use is made of German missionary records, both Catholic and Protestant – though there is little on the role of African Christians. The book is beautifully produced and illustrated. It is a pity that it is too expensive to be bought by the average reader. It is possible that even if many Tanzanians read it they would not be as excited as a preceding generation was by the ‘statist’ accounts of forty years ago. Complexity is hard to digest or to teach. But anyone interested in Tanzanian history should obtain and read this book.
Terence Ranger

CHECHE: REMINISCENCES OF A RADICAL MAGAZINE edited by Karim Hirji, Mkuki na Nyota 2010. ISBN 978 9987 08 098 4.

THE COURAGE FOR CHANGE: RE-ENGINEERING THE UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM by Matthew Luhanga, Dar es Salaam University Press 2009. ISBN 978 9976 60 479 5. £22.95. Both books available from African Books Collective, P.O. Box 721, Oxford OX1 9EN www. africanbookscollective.com

Two recent books, one edited by Karim Hirji, the other by former Vice Chancellor Matthew Luhanga, contribute to the historiography of the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM), an institution which has seen significant and rapid changes in its relatively short history.

Karim Hirji opens his chapter, entitled “The Spark is Kindled,” with a vivid description of a Friday evening at UDSM in 1969. “Only a handful of staff offices are lit. Walter Rodney types out page after page of How Europe Underdeveloped Africa…” (p. 18). He goes on to describe an animated meeting of the University Students African Revolutionary Front (USARF), the radical socialist student group that founded Cheche, a short-lived but fiery student magazine published from 1969 to 1970. At this meeting a young radical named Yoweri Musevani speaks to the crowd; Issa Shivji and others who will become prominent Tanzanian intellectuals are there. In his description Hirji captures the spirit and enthusiasm of these activist students and provides a rich picture of UDSM’s vibrant intellectual atmosphere in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Likewise, Matthew Luhanga’s recounting of his time as UDSM’s Vice-Chancellor in The Courage for Change includes vivid, and often humorous, descriptions of significant events that took place during his tenure from 1991-2006. Indeed, the core contribution of both of these works is the detailed personal narratives and recollections of two significant, yet very different time periods in the history of UDSM.

Cheche recounts an intellectually vibrant period of UDSM’s history, the late 1960s and early 1970s, just after the Arusha Declaration, when students and scholars were engaged in building a university relevant to the socialist development of Tanzania. The volume, edited by Hirji, one of the founders of USARF and Cheche, can be divided into two parts. First, the core of the book gives Hirji’s account of the rapid rise and fall of the radical socialist student group and it’s associated publication. It includes reminiscences of other USARF members, such as Henry Mapolu, Zakia Meghji, George Hajivayanis, and Christopher Liunda about their work with Cheche and its successor publication, Maji Maji. Hirji has even included an article by a young Yoweri Musevani that appeared in a 1970 issue of the magazine. This section ends with a selection of poems, some republished from Cheche, that express the socialist ideals of USARF and its members. The second section bookends this core narrative of personal recollections. In the first and last three chapters, Hirji provides his socio-historic analysis of the wider national and global context in which the authors of the book were steeped. Utilizing personal observations and drawing on the work of a wide range of scholars, Hirji offers an analysis of why socialism failed in Tanzania (or was never truly enacted) and his critique of the capitalist imperialist system. The final chapter contains his reflections on the contributions and the deficiencies of USARF and Cheche. He ends the book with a call to the next generation to take up the cause of African liberation. While Hirji’s call to arms is inspiring and his socialist historical analysis is detailed, albeit unapologetically agenda-driven, it is the rich and detailed story that he and others tell of their personal experiences with USARF, Cheche, and the socialist era at UDSM that make a solid contribution to the historiography of the University of Dar es Salaam and Tanzanian intellectuals.

Luhanga’s Courage for Change focuses on another key time in the history of the university. In 1991, when Luhanga began his tenure as Vice Chancellor, the university was reeling from extreme economic hardship of the 1980s. Luhanga tells the story of his implementation of the Institutional Transformation Programme and UDSM’s subsequent slow emergence from a period of significant decline. Throughout the text Luhanga provides numerous facts and figures, supporting his contribution to UDSM’s recovery. These are also available in his previous publications (Strategic Planning and Higher Education Management in Africa, 2003 and Higher Education Reforms in Africa, 2003). While these tables, bullet points and statistics give some context, they are repeated from other sources and give a rather flat picture of UDSM’s recent history. It is the stories that Luhanga weaves amongst these facts of his hasty appointment, student protests, a “kidnapping”, economic hardships, and conflicts between the Hill (UDSM) and the Tanzanian government that are of interest. Of course, Luhanga’s account comes from the political perspective of the highest level of university administration, contrasting sharply with Hirji et al.’s narrative from radical students’ perspectives. Both are necessary, however, to gain a fuller picture of the rich history of the University of Dar es Salaam.
Amy Jamison

FROM BONGOLAND TO DAR ES SALAAM; URBAN MUTATIONS IN TANZANIA, co-ordinated by Bernard Calas, originally published in French by Karthala of Paris around 2006, now translated by Naomi Morgan, and published in English by Mkuki wa Nyoka Publishers Ltd in association with the French Institute for Research in Africa, pp 417, ISBN 978-9987-08-094-6. Available from African Books Collective, P.O. Box 721, Oxford OX1 9EN. www.africanbookscollective.com. £34.95.

This book brings together in English a dozen papers by a group of French academics in the fields of geography, economics, political science, sociology and history, Their research, done between 1996 and 2002, covers Dar es Salaam’s foundation and exponential growth, the harbour, trade and commerce, local government (and its shameful neglect in the 1970s), land and planning controls, slum life, public and private transport, primary education, and water supply. There are also chapters on the impact of various ethnic groups and the colonisers on the metropolis’ culture and society; and finally a dissertation on the city’s relations with Zanzibar.

On all these matters, this volume offers useful data and informed judgements (on, for example, the problems of Ujamaa and the subsequent Structural adjustment Programme). It also provides numerous insights into the life of the city’s inhabitants over the years. As such, it will be a useful quarry for future students of urban development in sub-Saharan Africa, as well as of the story of Dar es Salaam.

The book has severe limitations however. There is no index; and because few of the writers knew Swahili, their work lacks the immediacy of oral testimony, while the bibliography is inevitably mostly of works in French. Moreover, the chapters vary in quality; some are clear and direct, others are prolix and complex. Some are a pleasure to read; others very heavy. The translator tackled her job gallantly but appears to have had fearful difficulty at times in turning academic French into straightforward English. My review copy had not been proof-read, and contained frequent irritating howlers – like “Babamoyo” on page 12 – as well as the omission of illustrations and repetition of sentences in several places.

Unless a clean and much tidier edition is published, this is a poor example of the work of the publishers, Mkuki wa Nyoka. Despite all these drawbacks however, we may be grateful to the authors, coordinator and translator for contributing another useful building block in Tanzania’s recent history.
Dick Eberlie

SPEAK SWAHILI, DAMMIT! by James Penhaligon. Authorhouse U.K. Ltd. 500 Avebury Boulevard, Central Milton Keynes, MK9 2BE. www.authorhouse. co.uk. ISBN 978 1 4490 2373 7. Speak swahili Dammit, is available via the author’s book website, www.SpeakSwahiliDammit.com at “just over £10”.

For those Wazungu who lived in East Africa from the Fifties onwards, this book will bring back many fond memories. It was good to hear a tale from someone who was brought up in what was then Tanganyika later to become Tanzania, as to my knowledge there are few other similar accounts.

James Penhaligon was raised in the bush in a remote area near Mwanza next to Lake Victoria at the Geita gold mine and after the premature death of his father, his mother and sister carried on living in the area with his mother working to make ends meet. The young “Jimu” soon comes under the spell of Africa and one can see the enthusiasm he has for the country, people and especially the language.

Apart from Jimu’s adventures, the book also gives the reader a little history about Tanzania when he meets an old soldier from Von Lettow Vorbeck’s Deutsch Ost Africa Corps and about the campaigns of the First World War which I remembered being spoken about when a pupil at Lushoto in the Sixties. Jimu’s story continues with his education at Arusha and Nairobi, and I can identify with the black and blue bruises that he describes! The Swahili interspersed throughout the book was interesting to a Swahili speaker although there was quite a lot of repetition of phrases that sometimes detracted from what is a really a cracking tale that has tragedy, adventure and humour in jembefuls (spadefuls).The book was also a little long but overall an enjoyable read and brought back wonderful memories of Tanzania.
David Holton

Dick Eberlie was District Officer in Dar es Salaam, Kisarawe and Morogoro and subsequently worked for the Tanzania Tea Grower’s Association. He was Secretary of the Tanzania Society for the Blind and a member of the Editorial Board of the Tanzania Notes and Records. Author of “The German Achievement in East Africa”, he is now an adviser on industrial organisation and business representation with the British Executive Service Overseas (BESO).

Contributors
David Holton was educated at Lushoto Prep School before returning to school in England. He has been manager of Bookland in Chester and a regular book reviewer for BBC local radio.

Amy Jamison holds a PhD in Educational Policy from Michigan State University, and conducted her doctoral research on the history of the University of Dar es Salaam. She is currently the Assistant Director of the Center for Gender in Global Context and continues to pursue research focused on African higher education.

Terence Ranger was the first Professor of History at University College, DSM, 1963-1969. He is currently Emeritus Professor at the University of Oxford and has been a member of the Britain-Tanzania Society for thirty years.

Anthony Shaw is Managing Director of Creo Communications, a Tanzania-based company offering communication consultancy and English language support services to individuals, organisations and businesses.

TA ISSUE 98

TA 98 cover showed New President of Zanzibar Dr Ali Mohamed Shein (CCM) (right) and First Vice President, Maalim Seif Shariff Hamad (CUF), embracing at the start of the Government of National Unity

A pdf file of the issue can be downloaded here

ELECTION 2010 RESULTS

Cartoon by Gado (Godfrey Mwampembwa) which appeared in the local press

THE EMERGENCE OF A REAL OPPOSITION
In Tanzania’s elections on 31 October 2010, for the first time since independence, an opposition party made significant gains in votes and seats in Tanzania’s National Assembly. The ruling CCM party’s presidential candidate Jakaya Kikwete saw his vote drop to 61% compared with 80% in 2005. Leading opposition CHADEMA presidential candidate Dr Wilbroad Slaa got 26% and the presidential candidate for the Civic United Front (CUF) (whose main strength is in Zanzibar) Professor Ibrahim Lipumba was in the third position with 8% of the vote.

The ruling CCM party lost 55 seats in parliament while the CHADEMA party increased its seats from 5 to 24. Thus, Tanzania now has a viable opposition party in parliament and observers are anticipating lively debates.

TANZANIA SHOWERED WITH PRAISE

Tanzania was showered with praise on its conduct of the elections from the large contingent of foreign observers in the country and by heads of state and leaders of international organisations.

The elections passed largely peacefully although there were many minor incidents in individual constituencies before the elections when CCM was involved in often passionate debates on the selection of its parliamentary candidates and during the counting of the votes when there were complaints about the delay in publishing some results.

BUT THE OPPOSTITION PROTESTS
CHADEMA, while accepting the validity of the parliamentary elections, and after an apparently heated internal debate on what to do, refused to recognise the re-elected President Kikwete because it believed that the published results of the presidential election had not been correct. The Party’s MP’s then walked out when the President began his inaugural speech to the new parliament.

CHADEMA leader Freeman Mbowe said that their aim was to pressurise the government into changing the constitution so that future elections would be free and fair. He said that his party was not satisfied with the way the presidential votes had been counted and the results announced.

He pointed out that the law and did not allow anyone to question the presidential election results yet it was possible to question the outcome of parliamentary and civic polls. The law had been drawn up during the period of the one-party state and was now obsolete. CHADEMA would press for the formation of an independent commission to examine the presidential poll results and to make proposals on the preparation of a new constitution.

Asked if CHADEMA’s readiness to meet the government was not against their stand not to recognise President Kikwete, Mbowe explained that they acknowledged the presence of the head of state though they were not in agreement with the way he was elected.

CCM REACTIONS
CCM Publicity Secretary John Chiligati said that what CHADEMA MPs had done was an ‘act of treason against democracy.’ He said the elections were endorsed by local and foreign observers who said it was free and fair. What CHADEMA was doing was ‘incitement to violence.’

The Citizen quoted Prime Minister Pindo as saying that CHADEMA MP’s had shown weaknesses in handling issues and its MPs had proved to be still very young democratically. Mr Pinda said he had been ready to meet with CHADEMA and discuss their problems but they had decided to take another measure which was not helpful in building the country’s democracy and bringing development.

President Kikwete told parliament that there was no way for any person to avoid CCM’s government. “People will come and go but this is the CCM government and it will remain in power whether they like it or not. I am the President and they will end up bringing their problems to me,” he said.

In the following weeks the demands for a new constitution grew amongst wide sections of the population.

THE RESULTS IN DETAIL

President Kikwete on the campaign trail in Dodoma (photo Issah Michuzi)

President Kikwete garnered 5.2 million votes or 61% of the 8,626,283 ballots cast, followed by CHADEMA’s Dr Willbroad Slaa, with 2.2 million votes or 26%. The new Vice President is the prominent Zanzibar leader Dr Gharib Billal, who was not voted for being part of President Kikwete’s ticket.

After seven by-elections were held in seats where there had not been enough ballot papers, the final result of the parliamentary elections for the 239 elected seats in the Union National Assembly (when special nominated seats for groups such as women and youth are added the total is 358 MP’s) was as follows: CCM 188. CHADEMA 24, CUF 21, NCCR-Mageuzi 4, United Democratic Party (UPDP) 1 and Tanzania Labour Party (TLP) 1.

By comparison the 2005 results were as follows: Kikwete 80% and out of 232 elected seats: CCM 206, CUF 22, CHADEMA 5, TLP 5, UDP 2 . Five seats were vacant at the time.

The number of MPs increases to more than 350 compared with 323 following the demarcation of new constituencies. The President also appointed additional MP’s representing special interests such as women and youth. After these appointments the number of opposition MP’s in the National Assembly was as follows: CHADEMA 45, CUF 34, NCCR 4, TLP 1 and UPDP 1 – Guardian.

In Zanzibar President Shein appointed a number of Special Seat MP’s making the composition of the House of Representatives CCM 28 and CUF 22.

REGIONAL DIFFERENCES AND PERSONALITIES
There were differences in regional voting patterns. CCM remained very strong in all the coastal regions and strong in most other areas. CHADEMA gained votes and seats in urban centres and, in particular in the Kilimanjaro, Arusha, Mbeya and Kigoma regions. Opposition parties in Klimanjaro Region won four seats – three CHADEMA and one TLP.

In Lindi the CCM candidate made some derogatory remarks about the CUF candidate. He advised voters that his opponent ‘suffered from albinism’ and should be avoided by voters who should … keep their distance from him because albinism was a curse. But the Albino is the new MP for Lindi.

The result in the constituency of former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa, who had been alleged to be involved in corruption, caused surprise in some circles. His electorate showed that they had not lost confidence in him by giving him an overwhelming majority.

Former prominent minister and MP Augustine Mrema is back in the forefront of Tanzanian politics after his success in the elections in Moshi. He himself became MP for Vunjo and his TLP party did well in the civic elections.

Former Speaker of the National Assembly Samwel Sitta said that in his new position as Minister for East African Cooperation, he would continue advocating ethical and transparent leadership as he had done when he was Speaker. During his heyday he had given government leaders a tough time by allowing fiery debates that led to the resignation of the then Prime Minister Edward Lowassa – Mwananchi.

The new Speaker is Anne Makinda, Njombe South MP (CCM), the first woman in the country’s history to be elected to this post. She brings a wealth of experience having been an MP for 35 years, and having been the deputy Speaker for five years.

Speaker Anne Makinda at the opening of parliament - photo Aron Msigwa and Anna Itenda

CHADEMA won its first seat in Manyara region when its candidate Mustapha Akunaay, the outspoken executive secretary of the Tanzania Association of Tour Operators, defeated veteran CCM Minister Phillip Marmo by a margin of over 20,000 votes.

In the Arusha council elections a CHADEMA Rastafarian was elected: The Citizen wrote: ‘Donning his characteristic curled hair and a green-and- yellow cap associated with the culture, astounded some of his political rivals. During the campaign he was perceived by his rivals as a marijuana smoker unfit for leadership because of his behaviour which ‘resembled that of some famous Rastafarians in the Caribbean.’ However he insisted that he had ‘never ever’ smoked bhang or any other narcotic drug and did not plan to do so. CHADEMA had advised him to remove his Rastafarian attire “But I told them that I had better leave politics than remove my Rasta fashion. Since then nobody has ever discussed this matter with me again “ he said.

Another of the new MPs is rapper and Bongo Flava artist Sugu (Joseph Mbilinyi) who won the Mbeya Mjini seat for CHADEMA. He defeated the incumbent CCM candidate Benson Mpesya by 46,411 votes as against 24,236. Sugu’s campaign had the theme “Tumaini Jipya kwa Maendeleo ya Wote” “New Hope for Development for All”. In an interview Sugu said “It pains seeing many musicians in the country failing to pay for a bus fare, while someone somewhere is eating the sweat of musicians.” Fellow musician Afande Sele says that he hopes Sugu will be able to reduce the problems Tanzanian musicians face due to widespread piracy of their work.

OPPOSITION CAMPAIGN

Dr Slaa addresses a crowd in Zanzibar - photo Emmanuel Herman

The CHADEMA presidential candidate Dr Wilbroad Slaa attracted massive crowds during the election campaign wherever he appeared. As an example, on September 19, the Guardian reported that business in Arusha came to a standstill for four hours as thousands of its residents rushed to welcome him. His decision to vie for the presidency ‘had changed the political wind in the country.’ A convoy of hundreds of vehicles accompanied the candidate to the rally grounds. Security officers were almost overwhelmed….Finally came the moment when Dr Slaa stood to address the crowd. “We have not ferried you from your homes to this place with lorries or buses…Neither did we give you free T-shirts nor khangas plus money to solicit you to come here….Your massive attendance is a demonstration that you are fully committed to change” he said.

Slaa said it was a shame that people from a nation endowed with abundant natural resources such as minerals and wildlife led a miserable life while countries with minimal or no resources such as Kenya were now offering education for free. He said Tanzanians, for a long time, had been victims of poor government policies, corruption and embezzlement of public funds. He added that CHADEMA would raise money to finance education and heath care services by cutting down public spending through reducing the size of the cabinet to not more than 20 seats, slashing MPs’ emoluments, abolishing some government posts, such as the post of district commissioner, and reducing procurement of government vehicles. He said other money would be generated after overhauling mining contracts. Slaa maintained that a CHADEMA government would waive all taxes on construction materials to enable people to construct decent houses.

CHADEMA’s founder, former Finance Minister Edwin Mtei, who also attended the rally, questioned the new culture in which those accused of corruption were being protected by the ruling party. This, according to Mtei, was the beginning of the downfall of Africa’s oldest ruling party – the CCM – Guardian

During the election campaign at a big rally in Lindi, CUF leader Professor Ibrahim Lipumba was quoted in Majira as saying that his party would like to see the country being run as it used to be under colonial authority which had been better than the present CCM government. He said despite the problems of colonialism, the suffering people now underwent was worse. In those days the current spiralling cost of living was unknown, while the poor people were now burdened with education fees he said. Lipumba claimed. “If it were not for the free education I got I would be in my village corralling cattle.”

Needless to say, with its vast financial resources the CCM also put on a well organised campaign and President Kikwete’s numerous rallies attracted huge audiences many draped in the party colours.

THE PRESIDENT’S INAUGURAL ADDRESS
Undeterred by the unprecedented walk out by CHADEMA MPs, the President continued with his inaugural speech to Parliament and emphasised the need to build a middle-class economy and empower small-scale and medium entrepreneurs, farmers, pastoralists and fishermen.

He outlined 13 priority areas, which his administration would concentrate on in the next five years.
He called for speedy healing of rifts created in the run-up to and during the elections to forge national unity.
He said the government would continue to equip the Tanzania People’s Defence Forces (TPDF) and the Police Force to safeguard the country’s borders, and protect the people and their properties.

He said he had noted religious incitement during the campaigns, which had fuelled rifts that could jeopardise national unity. “The elections are over. We must now concentrate on building our country,” he said, stressing his willingness to work with fellow politicians and religious leaders to end the rifts.

The government would also attract investment in new industries and revive the defunct ones. Efforts would also be made to ensure reliable power supply and infrastructure for factories. “We will establish and strengthen the Tanzania Investment Bank to lend to entrepreneurs. We will also strengthen SIDO to serve more Tanzanians,” he said.

In the past five years, he said, the country had reviewed contracts with major mining firms, some of which had started to pay taxes. A new mining policy as well as legislation had been enacted to boost local participation in the sector. More than $4.7 billion was earned from minerals. The government would now acquire shares in major mining firms. He said there were plans to establish and attract agro-processing industries as well as local processing of minerals such as gold and tanzanite.

On railways, President Kikwete conceded that the government did not handle the area well in the past five years, but said that had been a good lesson to the government. “Our efforts to improve railways failed. But we are determined that in the next five years, we will take the correct steps because we have learnt our lessons,” Tazara and the Central Line would be rehabilitated to standard gauge level from Dar es Salaam to Mwanza and Kigoma and a new railway from Isaka to Kigali, Rwanda and Bujumbura, Burundi built.

The construction of Dodoma University would be completed to pave the way for work on the Mwalimu Nyerere University in Butiama and the Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences. The Mbeya Institute of Technology would be upgraded to a full university.

The government, he added, would continue to reduce dependence on hydropower generation. He said emphasis would be put on power production from natural gas, coal, wind and solar power.
“We plan to add 640MW to the national grid. We will increase the number or Tanzanians who get power from the current 14 per cent of the population to 30 per cent,” he said – Citizen

THE SURPRISINGLY LOW TURNOUT
Many observers were surprised when it was revealed that, of the 20,137,303 registered voters, only 8,626,283 or 42% voted, making it the lowest turnout since the restoration of multi-party democracy in 1992. In 2005, when Mr Kikwete was first elected President, the turnout was 72% of the 9.1 million voters. In the 1995 and 2000 General Elections, 76% and 84% of the registered voters cast their ballots, respectively. In the 2010 election 2.64% of votes were spoilt.

Following a Royal African Society/BTS meeting on the elections on November 9 in London, Ron Fennell summarised the views expressed on this rather disturbing aspect of the results. He listed the factors:
• ‘Voter indifference about the outcome – it would not change the existing system in which a privileged group received the benefits of economic growth;
• A defective electoral registration process – many people disenfranchised, some because they had no ID cards;
• Fear that the ballot papers were not anonymous and that there could be victimisation of anti government voters;
• Fear of intimidation by the security forces;
• A significant number of CCM incumbents failed to be re-nominated for the election – 83 out of 232. John Malecela and other old timers and power brokers lost their seats;
• The absence of realistic manifestos – for example CHADEMA proposed a national non-contributory pension system. The perception is that the President campaigned more on promises than on policies;
• Regionalist tendencies which could undermine the unity of the nation seemed to be on the increase. Warning signals of future discord from personal allegations of cultural divides; for e.g CHADEMA Christian and Chagga; CUF Islamic;
• CCM candidates boycotted the TV debates. Opposition candidates had found it difficult to get air time in previous elections;
• Public funding was biased in favour of the ruling party which also had access to government transport, security, buildings, and helicopters. According to the East African, government financial support for the election campaigns of the different parties (based on the results of the previous election) was as follows: CCM $1.5 million, CHADEMA $500,000, CUF $100,000.

THE NEW UNION CABINET
President Kikwete’s previous government had 60 ministers who were reduced to 47 in February 2008 following the Richmond scandal, which led to resignation of the then prime minister Edward Lowassa and two cabinet ministers. The President’s new government comprises 50 ministers – 29 in the cabinet and 21 deputies. There are three new ministerial positions and 24 new faces. 15 full ministers from the previous cabinet have been retained and the number of women remains at seven. The previous cabinet had 26 full ministers and 21 deputies adding up to 47:

Finance – Mustafa Mkulo (no change).
Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation – Bernard Membe (no change)
Home Affairs – Shamsi Vuai Nahodha (former Chief Minister of Zanzibar)
Energy and Minerals – William Ngeleja (no change)
Constitutional Affairs & Justice – Ms Celina Kombani (formerly Minister for Regional Administration and Local Government)
Regional Administration & Local Govt – George Huruma Mkuchika
Infrastructure Development has been split into two ministries:
Works – Dr John Pombe Magufuli; and, Transportation – Omari Nundu
Natural Resources & Tourism – Ezekiel Maige
Health & Social Welfare – Dr Haji Hussein Mponda
Lands, Housing and Human Settlements – Prof Anna Tibaijuka
Livestock Development & Fisheries – Dr David Mathayo
Communications, Science & Technology – Prof Makame Mnyaa Mbarawa;
Education & Vocational Training – Dr Shukuru Kawambwa
Labour & Employment – Philipo Mulugo
Community Development, Gender & Children – Ms Sophia Simba
East African Co-operation – Samwel John Sitta
Agriculture, Food Security & Cooperatives – Prof Jumanne Maghembe
Water – Prof Mark Mwandosya (Irrigation has been moved to the Ministry of Agriculture).

Among other changes:
Youth Affairs has been moved from Labour to the Information & Sports ministry. This led to an increase of the three positions. The President said the additional positions were needed to have ministers of state overseeing Coordination as well as Planning.

Under the Prime Minister’s Office, a new position focusing on investment promotion and economic empowerment has been created. The President appointed two ministers of state under his office – Mathias Chikawe for Good Governance and Stephen Wassira for Relationships & Co-ordination. Ms Hawa Ghasia retained her previous position as Minister of State, Public Service Management.

There are ministers of state for Union Affairs and the Environment in the Vice President’s Office.

ARUSHA VIOLENCE

CHADEMA supporters and police before the violence in Arusha on Jan 5th

As this issue goes to the press, there are reports that three people were killed by police during a demonstration organised by CHADEMA in central Arusha on Jan 5th. The CHADEMA leadership were arrested and held overnight before being released on bail. We will include more details in the next issue of Tanzanian Affairs.

ZANZIBAR ELECTIONS

New President of Zanzibar Dr Ali Mohamed Shein (CCM) (left) and First Vice President, Maalim Seif Shariff Hamad (CUF), embrace at the start of the Government of National Unity.

The former Vice-President of Tanzania, Dr Ali Mohamed Shein who hails from Pemba, won the Zanzibar presidential election in Zanzibar with 50.1% of the votes. The CUF candidate Seif Shariff Hamad gained 49.1% of the votes. There were four other candidates.

As a result of the agreement entered into before the elections under which there would be a Government of National Unity (GNU) in the Isles after the election, the election itself took place peacefully and without major problems unlike the elections during the previous 15 years.

Some analysts have been trying to explain how it was that the two main parties (CCM and CUF) were able to come to an agreement after their fierce rivalry in the past. The explanation they have given is that CUF finally realised that the CCM would never allow it to rule Zanzibar alone (several CCM leaders made this clear in the past) and, that, if it were to have influence in the development of the country it could only do so in a government of national unity. Similarly, the explanation continued, the CCM realised that it was losing support and risked losing the 2010 election if this was free and fair. The election results, with the difference between the respective party’s votes differing by only one per cent, tend to support this hypothesis.

The Zanzibar Cabinet
The new President Dr Ali Mohamed Shein increased the number of ministers in his cabinet from 13 under the previous President Karume to 19 plus six deputy ministers (compared with five). The Special Seats for women were increased, with eleven allocated to CCM and nine to CUF.

The duties of the new Vice Presidents
Veteran leader in the Isles of the CUF party and a former Chief Minister in a CCM government, Zanzibar`s new First Vice President, Maalim Seif Shariff Hamad, has revealed that his official duties in the GNU will include being first-line advisor to the President and overseeing issues relating to the environment, people with disabilities and the war on drug abuse and HIV/Aids. Maalim Seif also explained that Zanzibar’s seventh phase government was determined to serve the people as diligently and efficiently as humanly possible and that the most important thing was for people to give their all in helping the government to serve them. He wanted to cut red-tape in the public service to the minimum and said he would himself set a good example by reporting for duty at 7.30am each day. He said that Zanzibar would only move forward socially, economically and otherwise “if all people ensure maximum discipline at their various workplaces and if public servants desist from bureaucratic behaviour and practices”.

He hailed the new President, Dr Ali Mohamed Shein (who had been Vice-President of Tanzania prior to the elections), for having cooperated with him during the run-up to the formation of the GNU and the cabinet “despite the fact that the constitution allows the president to form the cabinet even without any consultations” – Guardian.

The Second Vice President, Ambassador Seif Ali Idd, will be responsible for government business.

Pemba secessionists give up
One day after President Shein declared his new cabinet the group of 12 elders from Pemba who have been calling for secession of the island from Zanzibar said their demands had been met. Four years ago they submitted a petition to the UN and foreign diplomatic missions in Dar es Salaam, complaining that people of Pemba were denied their basic rights by the governments of Zanzibar and Tanzania. Coordinator of the group, Ali Makame said Zanzibar can now teach democracy to other African countries. He said the Pemba elders were now willing to collaborate with the unity government – Mwananchi.

ONGOING CORRUPTION CASES

The radar case and WikiLeaks
The case related to the purchase by Tanzania of an air traffic control system (RADAR) from Britain’s BAE Systems in 2001 for £28million reached apparent finality in London in December. After an unexpected reversal by the High Court in London of a previously agreed plea bargain arrangement under which BAE would compensate Tanzania, new information came from the publication by the London Guardian of dispatches from the American Ambassador in Dar es Salaam revealed by WikiLeaks. In its comments the Guardian wrote: ‘Every individual involved in the BAE scandal in Britain and Tanzania has escaped prosecution. BAE had agreed with the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO) to pay £30m in corporate reparations and fines, provided the word “corruption” did not appear on the indictment. The Head of Tanzania’s Anti Corruption Bureau had alleged that his life might be in danger on this matter and that senior politicians in his country were ‘untouchable’….

In what appeared to be the end of the matter, as far as Britain is concerned, the Southwark Crown Court in London ruled that BAE would pay a fine of £500,000 for ‘failing to keep proper accounting records,’ £225,000 in legal costs and the remainder of the penalty of £30 million to the people of Tanzania as restitution. The court criticised BAE for concealing the purpose of nearly £8 million in payments made to Shailesh Vithlani, its marketing advisor in Tanzania at the time. (Thank you Elsbeth Court and John Sankey for helping on this story – Editor).

The Richmond Saga
On November 15 the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) ordered the Tanzania Electricity Supply Company (Tanesco) to pay Dowans Holdings SA and Dowans Tanzania Limited a sum of Shs106 billion for breach of a power contract. The two companies inherited the project from the controversial Richmond Development Company of the USA’s Shs152 million-a-day emergence power supply contract, which was also the cause of the resignation of three ministers including the Prime Minister in February 2008. The two parties in the case were also instructed to pay fees and expenses of the arbitrators and the ICC administrative expenses amounting to $750,000 equally. Tanesco had moved to the High Court to restrain Dowans from disposing of its turbines. Dowans wanted to sell the turbines after the government had terminated power production and purchase agreements between Tanesco and Dowans on grounds of underperformance. The plan to sell the turbines had been a source of public debate throughout 2010 with some people proposing that the government should nationalise the plants after the company had allegedly failed to honour its agreement. There were varying reactions in Tanzania on whether the country should pay such a large sum to Dowans. Several leaders said that Tanzania should not pay.

Before this court decision the Government had increased the supply of heavy fuel to Dowan’s firm – Independent Power Tanzania Ltd (IPTL) – enabling it to pump more electricity into the national grid to ease the ongoing power rationing – Majira.

The ‘Twin Towers’ case
In September the Bank of Tanzania’s former Director Amatus Liyumba was sentenced by the Kisutu Resident Magistrate’s Court to two years in jail after he was found guilty of abuse of office during the construction of the Bank of Tanzania’s ‘Twin Towers’ project. His lawyers immediately filed an appeal. The change of scope of the work being done had been under the supervision of the Bank’s former Governor the late Dr Daudi Balali, who was in charge, they claimed. They further submitted that the court erred when it dismissed the appellant’s defence and his witness, former BoT secretary Bosco Kimela, on grounds that they had cooked their testimony because they were locked in the same remand prison – Guardian.

DAR-ES-SALAAM CONSTRUCTION BOOM

Kivukoni area of Dar-es-Salaam, with the Askari Monument to the right, and the Bank of Tanzania twin towers in the distance, near the ferry to Kigamboni. Photo Issah Michuzi http://issamichuzi.blogspot.com

Visitors to Dar-es-Salaam cannot fail to see evidence of the construction boom in the city. Perhaps most obvious is the number of skyscrapers being constructed in the central Kivukoni area (see photograph). One casualty is the Nyumba ya Sanaa (Nyerere Cultural Centre) which has been demolished to make way for a tower. The centre’s operations will be relocated to Msasani Village.

Map of the DART bus rapid transit project in Dar-es-Salaam, showing the six phases

An ambitious project to try and alleviate the chronic congenstion faced by commuters is the Dar es Salaam Rapid Transit (DART) project, which was launched by President Kikwete in September and is expected to start operating in 2012. The system will use guided buses (Bus Rapid Transit) on segregated bus lanes, and dala-dalas will no longer be allowed to operate on the routes, but will operate as feeder services to the DART arterial routes.

The project will comprise six phases and a total of 130km of road plus two workshops, five main stations and six feeder stations. The first phase has just been let to Chinese firm Beijing International Engineering Group (BCEG). The route follows Morogoro Road from Kimara – Ubungo – Kivukoni with branches to Kariakoo and Morocco. 145 articulated buses, each capable of carrying 140 passengers will operate on the route, with an expected 400,000 passengers using the system every day. Subsequent phases comprise Kilwa Road, Nyerere Road, Bagamoyo Road, and orbital routes. The scheme further includes cycle tracks alongside the routes with the aim of encouraging non-motorised transport in the city. Funding for the project comes from the World Bank and UNEP as well as the Tanzanian governemnt.

The government has also released a tender for construction of a road flyover at Tazara and a bridge at Bendera Tatu that will link the junction of Nyerere Road to Bibi Titi Road, also with the aim of reducing congestion.

Private development is gradually spreading outwards from the central areas of the city, for example a large mixed use project planned for Mchikichini, Illala district, with over 1,600 multi storey flats, office accommodation and hotels, jointly funded with a Malaysian company.

Construction work is also underway at Julius Nyerere International Airport (JNIA). Speaking at the official launch of the project, Tanzania Airports Authority (TAA) Director General, Mr Prosper Tesha said that the project would involve rehabilitation of taxiways, runways and sewage system, and is set to be finished by May 2011.

RAILWAYS

The Tanzania Zambia Railway Authority (Tazara) has signed a contract with a Chinese manufacturer for the manufacture and supply of 90 container wagons worth approximately US$5 million. The Chinese company was given eight months in which to manufacture and deliver the wagons which will be used in the transportation of containerised cargo and metals such as copper and manganese. Other components of the agreement are expected to follow including the supply of six new mainline locomotives, rehabilitation of three shunting locomotives and training of staff. Chinese ambassador to Zambia Li Qiangmin was quoted as saying that Tazara was a symbol of friendship between Zambia and China and his country was saddened by problems the company was facing. “We are sending a technical team to Tazara to investigate the problems and help them improve efficiency,” the envoy said. Tanzania’s Infrastructure Development Minister Shukuru Kawambwa was quoted as saying that the Chinese financing was intended to save Tazara from total collapse as the company had been experiencing major operational and financial problems with a debt burden of over US$100 million – Guardian.