Category Archives: Issue Number

OBITUARIES

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‘It was an eerie evening for Tanzania’s political terrain; on Sunday March 21 1993 the country lost one of the very few women who significantly contributed to the country’s political profile, especially in the formative years. Lucy Lameck (59) MP for two decades, member of the National Executive Committee of the country’s post-independence ruling party, former Government Junior Minister – passed away in Moshi after battling for several months against a kidney illness. “I eat, sleep, think and talk nothing but politics” she had said in 1961. She was buried with full honours at a ceremony witnessed by Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, Zanzibar President Salmin Amour and Prime Minister John Malecela’ – Daily News.

And Prime Minister John Malecela led the mourners at an elaborate funeral ceremony for Mr Dunstan Alfred Omari MBE (71) in Kinondoni, Dar es Salaam on April 16 1993. Mr Omari was the Director of several executive boards including those of the Standard Chartered Bank in Kenya and the African Medical Research Foundation. He became well known in his youth as one of the first African District Officers in the Colonial Administration.

BOOK REVIEWS

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CAN THE POOR AFFORD ‘FREE’ HEALTH SERVICES? A CASE STUDY OF TANZANIA. B Abel-Smith and P Rawal. (London Shoo I of Economics and Political Science). Health Policy and Planning. Vol 7 N04. 1992. 12 pages.

This study, based on interviews of nearly 900 outpatients and over 1,800 households, points out that, because of inadequate supplies of drugs and of food at hospitals, many patients have to incur substantial costs to use the ‘ free’ services. Information was collected on travel time, travel cost (84% of rural patients had to walk; only 7% used a bicycle) ) and waiting time (an average of about one and a half hours); which health facilities were chosen (18% of the poorest people used mission services; 42% used government services) and why; the cost of using them (average total cost of admission to hospital varied from Shs 500 to Shs 5,000) and difficulty in finding the money to pay and willingness to pay user charges.

Other useful statistics: there are 6 referral hospitals; 17 regional hospitals; 129 district hospitals; 266 health centres; 2,205 dispensaries; and, 1800 village health centres. (3% of the population is within 10 kms of a health facility). However, the level of government financing is not sufficient to provide for this substantially expanded service and even the poor often have to resort to the private sector and pay.

Is there a case for charges in government hospitals? The following represents a much abbreviated summary of the authors’ conclusions:
– To stop frivolous use? No, as government service are far from free and waiting time discourages unnecessary use.
– Because the mission health services make a charge? No. The government and non-government services are perceived as serving separate markets. Those using government services do so primarily because they are cheap. Those using mission services primarily because drugs are available.
– To improve services for all users? Yes, if the money can be used to improve the services, especially the provision of drugs.
– To lighten the burden on the poor? Yes. As the poorer section of the population are the main users of the government services they would be better off if drugs were always available, free only for the poor and at modest charge for other users.

But the administrative problems of collecting the charges, exempting the poor and ensuring that charges are used in improving services points to the need for any change in policy to be very carefully planned – DRB.

AID TO AFRICAN AGRICULTURE: LESSONS FROM TWO DECADES OF DONORS’ EXPERIENCE. Uma Lele (Ed). Johns Hopkins University Press. 627 pp. $52.95.

This book is a result of a study launched by the World Bank in 1984 under the title, “Managing Agricultural Development in Africa” (MADIA), in a collaborative project between the Bank and seven other donors and six African governments – Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania, Cameroon, Nigeria and Senegal.

Between 1970 and 1987 Tanzania received the highest level of official development assistance; this peaked at US$ 684 million in 1987. During this period donors contributed a total of US$ 8.1 billion; Sweden was the largest contributor. A substantial amount of the aid was directed to agriculture, which is responsible for 58% of the GDP and 86% of the employment, but it grew at only 1.45% per annum, while population grew at 3.1%.

Several authors from the major donor countries describe the successes and failures of their aid programmes in Tanzania, including valuable comments on the lessons learned. The Danish aid programme devoted about 30% of its resources to agriculture in which livestock and co-operatives were the major recipients. An interesting lesson from this programme was that poverty-oriented projects, focused on marginal producers, were neither replicable nor sustainable.

African socialism, as defined by President Julius Nyerere, had great appeal to the Swedish aid constituency. Initially a substantial part of this aid was concentrated on agriculture and rural development; the latter had a very large component of rural water supplies. By 1984 nearly 40% of the rural population had received supplies but only about half were functional because of lack of attention to operation and maintenance. The review concludes that it is essential to quantify the recurrent costs when designing an aid project and it emphasises that Sweden must improve its understanding of the macro-economic issues if it is to be a more effective donor.

Unlike Sweden, the UK was not strongly in favour of the political system and consequently its aid programme had not the same long term commitment. After a period of project aid with substantial investment in agriculture, it decided that these resources could be more efficiently used in programme aid, directed to agricultural inputs and policy reform. The review notes that agricultural research, which was strongly supported in the colonial era, had deteriorated, but concluded that long term support like that given to cotton research had left the most useful legacy.

The descriptions of the German, EEC, US and World Bank aid projects show that they too have had mixed success in their attempts to help Tanzania.

This book provides an excellent review of several important lessons that must be incorporated into future development programmes if they are to fulfil both the country and the donors’ expectations.
John K. Coulter

DONKEY’S GRATITUDE. THE PENTLAND PRESS. Tim Harris. 1992. 478 pages. £21.95 (hardback).

When Tim Harris arrived in Bukoba, as D.C., I was then a standard VII pupil at Ihungo Secondary School some three miles north of the district headquarters. My status then could allow only a glance of him from a distance during rare occasions such as Empire Day celebration. When I joined the Tanzanian Civil Service in Dar es Salaam in 1963, Harris had already terminated his term of office though his memories in the capital were still fresh. In more recent years when visiting my daughter at the University of Bristol, I was reminded that Bristol was his birth place. All this background enabled me to read with exceptional enthusiasm and pleasure Donkey’s Gratitude.

The book narrates a lifetime from the cradle to the grave and presents, in a palatable prose full of humour, the experience of an unusual colonial administrator. It provides a deep insight into the emotional, physical and intellectual elements of which a colonial career is made as well as the circumstances which might influence the choice of colonial service as a calling.

Harris’ journey from Cornwall to Tanganyika and his arrival in Dar es Salaam was marked by traumatic experiences which might have discouraged anyone with a weaker will power. It is, however, the details of the daily chores in Korogwe, Singida, Iringa and other places, which provide captivating scenes. Overall, the book reveals a rare Cornish character undaunted by the debilitating climate, hostile environment and unsympathetic hierarchy in Dar es Salaam.

Equally revealing is the account of the district administrator who became a scapegoat of the higher echelons of the bureaucracy on the one hand, and the disenchanted natives, on the other. The fact that on many occasions he had to defend the interests of the subjects against the demands of the colonial structure, elevates his status to that of a good philanthropist.

The painstaking details of the places, individuals and communities tend to enhance the wide application of the book. The episodes relating to roads, ravines, streams, animal trails, and so on, appear to breathe life into what would otherwise have been spots on a map. Narratives on goats, trout, gazelles, elephants confirm the author’s love for nature and demonstrate his highly observant and analytical mind.

His interactions with domestic servants, the sick, litigants and social groups reveal a rich, humane heart committed to the advancement of the African.

Inadvertently or otherwise, the author has provided an interesting insight into the culture of a number of communities including the Barbaig, the Kwavi, the Hehe and the Haya. His analysis covers tribal idiosyncrasies with respect to such traits as honesty, discipline and work attitude.

There are a few shortcomings however. Foremost, the narrative has not ben able to identify specific themes so as to highlight how certain targets were formulated and pursued. While the reader can appreciate the coherence generated by adherence to chronology, one encounters unnecessary repetitiveness.

Secondly, the dating of some events and the identification of the actors is regrettably subdued, most likely in order to minimize controversy. However, the overall effect of this, which involves the use of pseudonyms, is to reduce the value of the account as an historical reference.

Lastly, the chapter on specific philosophical themes such as religion, Nilohamitic Bantu conflict, witchcraft, etc., should be presented in the annex because they do not fit into the flow of the narrative. They constitute significant digressions which are amateurishly presented.

However, this book is a rare narrative on colonial experiences and contrasts with the accounts produced by historians, anthropologists, and other categories of theorists. As an account of personal experience it is unexcelled and should be a good reference for any student on Tanzania.

The language considerably enhances the value of the book. The softness of the style that is seasoned by cynical humour makes the book an ideal accompaniment in a good English course for Tanzanians. The local setting of the narrative enhances the readability of the book which is a must for anyone aspiring to the civil service of Tanzania as well as jurists.

One cannot doubt the disappointment experienced by the author on the day of Independence following the action of an angry and mocking mob. One ought to remember I however, that ingratitude being one of the earliest sins of man is bound to be encountered by those who inherited the reins of government and who, after some three decades of leadership, ought to have discovered already that a donkey’s gratitude is a kick in the stomach.
Dr. C.M. Tibazarwa

(Sadly, Tim Harris died before completing the book and the final chapter was written by Geoffrey Bullock – Ed)


BEING MAASAI. ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY IN EAST AFRICA. Eds: T Spear and R WaIler. James Currey. Cloth £35. Paper £12.95.

This book is about the several peoples who speak Maa, the Maasai language, and not only about the proud and photogenic, red-caped and red-ochred pastoralists who tourists travel to East Africa to gawk at. It includes the camel herding Ariaal of northern Kenya, the Okiet of the forests, the cultivating Arusha, the Parakuyo and others who are often not thought of as ‘proper Maasai’. ‘Maasai society is seen as encompassing a triangle of economic forces – pastoralism, hunting-gathering and agriculture – within which the complex cultural structures were both highly differentiated and complimentary’. The myths which have come to surround, and partially obscure, Maasai ethnic identity are questioned in order to understand: firstly, the cultural mixes which compose that identity; secondly, how that identity has endured, so remarkably and so persistently, despite all the gloomy prognostications that it was doomed. Hinde published a book in 1901 entitled ‘The Last of the Masai’ about the Kenyan Maasai, and Merker, their first serious ethnographer, forecast in 1910 that in Tanganyika they would soon cease to be Masaai. Both authors, of course, were quite wrong. Reasonably enough, neither had realised how resistant to cultural swamping so many African cultures were to prove themselves to be.

The book is divided into five titled sections: an ‘Introduction’ which is a prospectus; ‘Becoming Maasai’ which has one linguistic and five historical essays; ‘Being Maasai’ which has four essays on contemporary negotiations of identity; ‘Constraints & Redefinitions’ which has three essays on changing perceptions of identity in response to modern developments such as market forces, emergent social class and politics; and a brief ‘Conclusion’. Including the editors there are fourteen contributors but nevertheless the book is a triumphant unity. Prehistory, linguistics, history and social anthropology are used to complement each other and produce that rarity, a real interdisciplinary study written in accessible prose. The book is both a major contribution to Maasai studies and to African studies as a whole. There is hardly a redundant word, so summary in a brief review would only be misleading. I can only point to those essays which may be of most interest to the general reader.

Students of Tanzania will particularly enjoy Spear’s essay ‘Being Maasai’ but not ‘People of the Cattle; Arusha agricultural Maasai in the Nineteenth Century’; but they should certainly not restrict themselves just to that. The short essay by Sommer and Vossen on dialects is original and, unlike so much linguistics, reasonably comprehensible to the non-specialist. ‘The World of Telelia’ is the mature and touching reflections of a woman who is the senior of seven wives, the mother of two daughters and four sons and the grandmother of thirteen grandchildren. Her words (accompanied by an unobtrusive commentary) were recorded by Paul Spencer, whose knowledge of Maasai is unmatched, as his own essay on maturing into becoming a proper man demonstrates. ‘Aspects of “Becoming Turkana'” by John Lamphear demonstrates how, the Turkana were able to displace and/or assimilate their Maa-speaking neighbours in the nineteenth century, by a rather subtle territorial drift, but punctuated by interactions, borrowings, adjustments, conflicts and assimilations (p87). The essay is a salutary corrective to the myth that the Maasai were so terrifying that they overcame wherever they went. It also complements Sobania’s fine essay on the defeat and dispersal of the Laikipiak. Both those last two essays add to the current revaluation of the “permanence” of East African tribal and clan names which has been initiated by Gunther Schee and David Turton.

Finally, the essay by Donna Klump and Corrine Kratz on Okiek and Maasai perspectives on bodily ornamentations is itself a gem. The data are new. So are the insights into the ways in which girls and women construct individual ethnic identities and reinterpret, through appropriation and modulation, the symbolic content and patterns of the beadwork adornments they make for themselves and their friends.
P T W Baxter

OTHER PUBLICATIONS

STATE AND INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSES TO PARASTATAL GROWTH IN TANZANIA. J Wagona Makuba. Scandinavian Journal of Development Alternatives. Vol. 11. Nos 3 and 4. Sept-Dec 1992. 21 pages.

TRAINING MICROENTREPRENEURS: DOES IT PAY? Irmgard Nubler. Small Enterprise Development. December 1992. 10pp. This paper describes an ILO evaluation methodology.

AGRICULTURAL CREDIT IN TANZANIA: THE POLICY AND OPERATIONAL PROBLEMS OF THE COOPERATIVE AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT BANK. Anacleti K Kashuliza. savings and Development. 1992. Vol. 16. No 4. 25 pages

ZUR DISKUSSION: IMPORTHILFE STATT EXPERTEN EINE BETRACHTUNG AMFALL TANZANIA. In German. (‘For Discussion: Import Aid Instead of Experts: Reflections using the Example of Tanzania’). Helmut Zell. vierteljahresberichte. December 1992. This short paper argues that growth arises from development aid is often hindered by shortage of foreign exchange. The solution is to use savings in project aid for the importation of the means of production.

SOUTH ASIANS IN EAST AFRICA. An Economic and Social History, 1890-1980. Robert G Gregory. 402pp. 1992. westview Press.$65. Chapter headings include ‘The Primary Occupations’ – Commerce Transport, Clerical etc.: ‘The Secondary Occupations’ – Law, Medicine, Teaching etc. and ‘The Exportation of Savings and Profits’ .

SOUTH-SOUTH TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT: MANUFACTURERS IN THE
INTERNATIONAL DIVISION OF LABOUR. S Folke and others. MacMillan. 1992. 267 pages. Case studies from seven countries including Tanzania.

LIBERALIZING TANZANIA’S FOOD TRADE. Deborah Fahy Bryceson. James Currey. 1993. £35 (Cloth) £ 12.95 (Paper). The author shows why and how Tanzania liberalized trade in staple rice and maize and how the process has affected 197 grain traders and 188 houseolds in five Tanzanian towns.

ADUI MBELE (Enemy in Front). John pitt. 95 pages. £5.00. Obtainable from the author, Flat 20, Parklands, Eynsham Rd., Farmoor, Oxford OX2 9NL. The book contains the recollections of a young Tanganyika Forest Officer on Kilimanjaro who joined the Tanganyika Battalion of the King’s African Rifles in 1940 and subsequently served in Somali land, Abyssinia and Madagascar.

SAFE MOTHERHOOD IN TANZANIA. K Kanda and R Landy. World Health. May-June 1992. 2 pages.

TRYING ANIMAL TRACTION. G Mwakitenge and W Beijer. ILEIA Newsletter. Vol. 8. No 3. 1992. 2 pages. The authors describe how the animal traction component of an integrated agricultural project in Mbozi district in Mbeya Region was developed in collaboration with local services.

IS DIABETES MELLITUS RELATED TO UNDERNUTRITION IN RURAL TANZANIA? A B Swai and others. British Medical Journal. Vol. 305. October 1992. 6 pages. This paper is based on a study in eight villages in four regions. The short answer to the question posed in the title is no. Diabetes is not more common in the most undernourished members of the population and is much less common in Tanzania than in well nourished Western populations.

A CULTURAL ANALYSIS OF THE ECONOMY OF AFFECTION AND THE UNCAPTURED PEASANTRY IN TANZANIA. T Waters. Journal of Modern African Studies. Cambridge Univ Press. Vol. 30. No 1. 1992.

UNESCO GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA. Vol. Ill. AFRICA FROM THE SEVENTH TO THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. Editor: I Hrbek (from Czechoslovakia). James Currey. 1992. £5.95. The latest volume of this excellent (and remarkably reasonably priced) series contains, unfortunately, very little about Tanzania and what it does contain is, necessarily, tentative e.g.: ‘some of the Southern Cushites appear to have known of iron as early as the period of Bantu settlement’ … ‘among the proto-Chaga there arose a new kind of chiefly position in which the chief was not tied to a single clan .. this development appears to coincide with the emergence of mature highland planting agriculture’ …. ‘trade appears not at all to have penetrated the East African interior … ‘

PASTORALISM, CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE GREATER SERENGETI REGION. International Institute for Environment and Development Issues Paper No 26. M S Parkipuny. 1991. 31 pages. Indicates how wildlife conservation affects rural development in the Serengeti.

STRATEGIE DE DEVELOPPEMENT ET AJUSTEMENTS STRUCTURELS, UNE ALTERNATIVE A LA POLITIQUE DU FMI: APPLICATION A MADAGASCAR ET A LA TANZANIE. G Blardone. Canadian Journal of Development Studies. Vol 13. No 1. 9 pages. 1992. Analyses the impact of IMF structural adjustment programmes.

LOCAL AGRO-PROCESSING WITH SUSTAINABLE TECHNOLOGY: SUNFLOWER SEED OIL IN TANZANIA. E L Hyman. International Institute for Environment and Development Gatekeeper Series No 33. 1992. 15 pages.

CROSS-CONDITIONALITY, BANKING REGULATION AND THIRD WORLD DEBT. E Rodriguez and S Griffith-Jones. McMillan. 1992. 347 pages. Contains case studies from six countries including Tanzania.

REVENUE PRODUCTIVITY OF THE TAX SYSTEM IN TANZANIA, 1979-1989. N E Osoro, Univ of Dar es Salaam. Journal of African Economies. Vol 1. No 3. 21 pages. This paper mentions some of the tax reforms which have occurred in Tanzania and points out, with mathematical formulae, how an elastic tax structure is appropriate in a developing country since it implies that tax collections will grow automatically with growing income without the need for resort to politically sensitive tax rate increases.

ZANZIBAR – OLD BUILDINGS AND OLD AND NEW SKILLS. S Holmes and M wingate. Appropriate Technology. Vol 19 No 3. 1992. 3 pages. An analysis of small-scale lime production is followed by recommendations on surveying buildings in Stone Town so as to arrest the decay and protect the lives of the inhabitants.

THE TANZANIAN PEASANTRY. P G Forster and S Maghimbi (Eds). Avebury. 1992. 287 pages. A dozen contributors write on such subjects as anthropological research, cooperative policy, peasant production, marketing, the environmental crisis.

LETTERS

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THE MUSIC CONSERVATOIRE OF TANZANIA LTD.
Thank you very much for your letter of 15. 1. 93. and for the copy of the Bulletin of Tanzanian Affairs. We are delighted with the review of our book on Traditional Music Instruments of Tanzania. Please thank John Brearley most warmly on our behalf. We have plenty of copies and will be pleased to send them to anyone interested for $5 or £3 plus postage. Our grateful thanks for your help.
Mrs. L.E. Crole-Rees

NANGOMA CAVES
A friend recently showed me the article by Mr. Trevor Shaw on Nangoma Caves in Bulletin no.38, 1991. I would like to correspond with him over the details of the early German visits. Unfortunately, he does not give his address; would you please pass my letter on to him, explaining my interest. I am a zoologist who has lived in Tanzania since 1968, with broad interests, including speleology, bats, amphibians, reptiles, and birds. I do know that in 1924, a German biologist named Ahl described a species of frog endemic to Tanzania from Nangoma cave: the reference is Zool. Anz. 61, p.99. Perhaps this specimen was collected on an earlier visit.

I am told that local people are reluctant to allow biologists to collect anything from the cave, but would certainly be willing to try to organise a visit involving biologists from the University of Dar es Salaam. I was unaware of the larger caves mentioned in Shaw’s article. Thank you for any help you may be able to offer in putting me in touch with Mr. Shaw.
Professor Kim M. Howell

(Regret have not been able to trace Mr Shaw’s address – Ed)

SURVEY OF BIRD FAUNA
I hope to be taking part, with five other Oxford zoologists and two Tanzanian students plus Dr. P Lack, a world renowned ornithologist on East African birds and Dr. Neil Baker, in an expedition to Tanzania to study the bird fauna in the Mkomazi Game Reserve from June 26 to September 7 1993. The bird life in the reserve has never been studied and since birds are good indicators of habitat conditions, Mkomazi provides a baseline against which one may measure change elsewhere. The survey will monitor the ecological conditions and pressures inside and outside the reserve and provide the basis for a future programme of monitoring biodiversity in an African ecosystem. The project has the full support of the Royal Geographical Society, Oxford University and the Schlumberger Corporation but we still need further funds. If any persons or firms reached by the Bulletin of Tanzanian Affairs would be willing to sponsor us we would be most grateful.
Ben Underwood,
Huntingdon, Cambs. PE18 6PE

THE NINTH CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT

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After what was officially described as six days of heated debate in the National Assembly, in early December 1992, amendments to Tanzania’s constitution were agreed. The Ninth Constitutional Amendment Bill which was eventually passed has cleared the way for a separation of powers between the Executive, the Judiciary and the Parliament. The Legislature was given power to impeach the President of the United Republic but came under considerable pressure from MP’s on two points.

Firstly, many members opposed a provision which gave the President the right to dismiss the National Assembly at any point – something they regarded as undemocratic. They suggested that this should only happen when elections were due.

Even more controversial was the decision by the Government to shelve a provision on the election of a Vice-President of Tanzania. The Prime Minister insisted on what was described as this ‘sensitive issue’ being postponed for 24 months because wore time was needed for study.

Former Prime Minister Joseph Warioba warned that failure to see the Union (of Tanganyika and Zanzibar) in the context of the historical relations between the two sides could destroy the Union. He said that historical relations between the people of the two sides should be central when amendments to the Constitution were being considered. Some MP’s had wanted the President to have a sunning mate Vice-President but the Prime Minister pointed out that the President would be directly elected by the people. Under the present system, if the President is a citizen of Zanzibar then the First Vice president must come from the mainland.

Referring to a number of inconsistencies in the Constitution the Prime Minister said that an expert team had been appointed to look into these. Once its report was ready it would be fully discussed.

HIGH COMMISSIONER REVIEWS THE BACKGROUND

At the Annual General meeting of the Britain – Tanzania Society on October 15 l992 Tanzanian High Commissioner in London, Ali Mchumo, explained comprehensively the background to what he described as the momentous changes taking place in Tanzania:

An Island of Peace

– Tanzania had remained an enviable island of peace and stability in a troubled continent, he said. Thanks to the good political leadership which had always been guided by a sense of social justice and thanks also to the sense of political maturity and tolerance of the Tanzanian people. “We have had incidents of ‘industrial unrest’ by doctors and nurses but this was under control”.

On the Political Front

“Our move from a one party to a multiparty system was not due to pressure from outside as is reportedly the case elsewhere. I do not need to go into the theoretical arguments about democracy, but I believe we were spared such external pressure for two reasons – one: our one party system was fairly democratic and very different from the East European model as we had free elections regularly; and two: our human rights record is comparable to that of any other democratic state. Of course we were also influenced by events else where, but that is different from pressure.

We believe the essentials of democracy are universal, free elections, accountability of the government to the people, freedom of expression, respect for the Rule of Law etc. but that the format under which such democratic essentials are implemented can vary from country to country depending on the history and culture of the country concerned. – As you know, we became a one Party System as a historical consequence of our political development and not as a result of an ideological commitment to the one party system.

Society Has Changed

But our Society has changed from what it was in 1965 to the present. We have more people now than in 1965 and the level of exposure to education among the people has increased. We have more complex social and economic problems and naturally therefore you may not have the same level of consensus that obtained 30 years ago on how such problems ought to be solved. Events happening in Eastern Europe and elsewhere in Africa also had an impact on our people.
It was with such a background that Mwalimu and the Party in February 1990 encouraged the debate on a multiparty system and in February 1991 President Mwinyi appointed the Nyalali Commission to coordinate the debate and collate people’s views on whether to remain one party or to go multiparty. The Commission found out that, of 36 000 people they heard from, 80% preferred a continuation of the one party system and only 25% wanted a multiparty system. Because this was not a referendum, Nyalali recommended a move to a multiparty system, and the Party and Government accepted this recommendation.

Why the Change to Multipartyism?

Why did the Party and Government accept this recommendation for a multiparty system despite the fact that it had only 20% support? The answer is that reality had to be accepted, that society had changed, that there were people, though a minority, who wanted a change and that to deny the demand of such a minority might be a cause of instability because that minority would continue to agitate for change and the state would have to use force to suppress them.
CCM itself has been based on a democratic tradition and has always responded to demands for greater democracy (in 1981 and 1984) and since the demand for multiparty was for greater democracy, it was in order to accept it.
It was felt that this was the opportune time to initiate such a change when the Party still commanded the respect of the majority of the people so that the changes could be properly managed otherwise chaos would dominate the political scene as had happened elsewhere.

The Conditions

So the Nyalali Report was presented in December 1991 and endorsed by a Party Congress in February P992 but it was emphasized that the political pasties had to fulfil certain conditions that would ensure the preservation of peace, stability and unity in the country. In April 1992 Parliament met to give legislative force to the political changes accepted by the Party :

(i) The Constitution was amended to remove the articles which declared Tanzania a one Party State and which gave CCM a monopoly of political power and supremacy.

(ii) The Registration of Political Parties Act was enacted – it provided conditions by which Political parties could be registered; parties had to be national in scope and to cover h t h mainland and Zanzibar – they should not be based on tribal, regional ethnic, religious or gender ideologies – they should have at least 200 members from each of at least 10 regions (8 mainland, 1 Pemba and 1 Zanzibar) It provides for a Registrar of Political Parties under the Prime Minister’s Office; for a two-stage registration process (provisional registration where a name, manifesto and provisional leadership is required; final registration after 6 months when the required number of members have been achieved). Parties can address rallies after provisional registration but can only participate in elections after final registration.

(iii) Amendment to the Elections Act to provide for new election procedures and the appointment, composition and powers of a new Electoral Commission

(iv) Transitional legislation to validate the existing political structure; the CCH government duly elected in 1990 to remain until the next general election.

Present Situation

The Registration of Political Parties Act came into effect on 1 July 1992 and since then nearly 20 political groups have acquired provisional registration.

Prospects for the Future

The multiplicity of small parties may be a cause for instability, not necessarily violent but it could bring about unstable coalition governments – the “Italian Syndrome”. We have to be aware that having many parties by itself is not a guarantee of democracy. Zaire has over 60 parties but it may not be more democratic than the UK with few parties. What matters is how people are involved in freely taking decisions on matters affecting their lives. Thus, in addition to allowing the formation of political parties, we have to emphasize the existence of free and viable civic organisations like local governments, Trade Unions and other mass organisations.

We need to consolidate a new political culture of tolerance among differing political ideologies so that people may differ without resorting to physical street fighting. You take such a culture here in the U.K. for granted but we have to make special efforts to inculcate it into people’s thinking and behaviour. The concept of a “loyal opposition” is still a distant idea.

There is a challenge to prevent parties from sliding into ethnic, religious or tribal orientation in practice even if in theory they appear national.

We have to remind ourselves that having a multiparty system by itself is not a panacea for our economic and other problems and that we still have to work harder and better to make the economy deliver. By the same token, those of our overseas friends who wish Tanzania democracy well, have to assist us economically so that our people can see that the new political system can meet their expectations.

Finally, there is understandable international concern for there to be democracy in all countries. Indeed, in the aid policy of many developed countries, democracy and human rights have become essential prerequisites, if not conditionalities, for a country to qualify for assistance. The time has now come when the need for democracy and social justice within countries must be matched by the pressure for democracy and social justice between countries.

Answering questions, the High Commissioner said that Tanzania would be using the ‘first past the post’ system in its elections. So far not many differences had been revealed between the policies of the CCM and those of the other parties although none of the new parties were to the left of the CCM in ideology.

KAMBONA RETURNS

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Former Foreign Minister Oscar Kambona finally returned to Tanzania after 25 years in exile on September 5th. The Government had earlier announced that it would allow him into the country for three months during which time he would have to clear the question of his citizenship. He travelled on a United Nations document issued by the British authorities. He arrived smiling, with his daughter Neema, and was apparently, surprised at the number of people at the airport to welcome him.

But his appearance, according to ‘Africa Events’, greyhaired and overweight, was a shock to Tanzanians ‘who remembered him as the debonair and jaunty side-kick of Nyerere, whose distinctive hair style was copied by the dashing young men of the time. His press conferences have revealed him as out of touch and preoccupied with settling old scores. ‘

“Millions in Foreign Banks”

Addressing a public rally of his party (TADEA) in Dar es Salaam on November 21 he alleged that Mwalimu Nyerere, former CCM Vice Chairman Rashidi Kawawa and Ambassador Amir Jamal had “millions of money deposited in foreign banks” He claimed that if the money was returned to Tanzania the country would not require to borrow again for the next ten years. For failing to support his allegations with any written evidence some people attending the rally complained that “Kambona amekwishatuacha kwenye mataa.”

Mwalimu Nyerere later denied Kambona’s allegations and challenged him to produce evidence. He told reporters that Kambona’s utterances at his mass rally constituted a breach of the law. Mwalimu declared before the press that he doesn’t have a penny abroad.

Later, Kambona was required by the lawyers of the three leaders to produce, within fifteen days from December 80, evidence to support his allegations. The letter from the lawyers demanded an apology. If Kambona failed to substantiate his claims he was threatened with legal action.
The Break with Nyerere

The Dar es Salaam ‘Express’ published, two weeks after his return, a lengthy interview in which Kambona gave his version of the main reason why he broke his political partnership with Nyerere, It was because of Mwalimu’s glorification of Mao Tse Tung, he said. On his return from a visit abroad, Nyerere had wanted to appoint him Minister of Rural Development to establish the kind of communal farming that Mwalimu had seen in China. Kambona refused the offer of the post and was not offered another one. “Why did you not just become a back bencher in Parliament. Why did you go to England?” “In order not to create instability. I had a large following especially among the youth. I had to make a statement that I had resigned because of ill health”. Kambona also indicated in the interview that he was opposed to Nyerere on a number of other issues including the One Party State. He also answered a question about what he had been doing in London these past years. “I did business. I used to go to the Arab countries. But this did not last…. I then depended on income support in Britain. Every Tuesday you take your book to the Post Office”.

The Army Mutiny

Asked in an interview in the ‘Business Times’ why he had handed back power to Nyerere after the 1964 army mutiny he replied that it was because he believed that a leader must be elected by the people and Nyerere had been elected. Kambona, who was Minister of Defence at the time when Nyerere disappeared temporarily from the scene, said that he had been asked by foreign embassies and also by Mzee Jomo Kenyatta whether he was going to seize power. No, he had replied, it was his duty to see that the country remained peaceful. Are you still friends with Nyerere?” “I think that Nyerere is still my friend. We had no personal differences. Our differences were political. He believes in nationalisation and in the control of the economy.. , . I believe that the economy must be free,. . .when my party is registered we will bury the Arusha Declaration”.

‘Stop Blowing Your Own Trumpet’

An irate reader of the Business Times’, Balinagwe Mwambungu, found what he described as ‘all this mudslinging against our leader and father’ too much to bear. He wrote, in a prominently displayed letter to the editor: ‘Kambona, history has recorded that you were at one time involved in a plot to overthrow the Government of Tanzania by force of arms – ready to spill the innocent blood of the very people you profess to love. Deep in your heart you know that you did us wrong. Your vaulting ambition to rule would have led this country into chaos….If Tanzania was under a tyrant, as you claim, and the Arusha Declaration oppressive (why did you have to) go into exile? (Are you) a shepherd that runs away when a wolf attacks the flock? I admire leaders who, despite the country’s poverty, refused to let anyone die of hunger. Acquaint yourself with the realities prevailing in the rural areas before unveiling the London-made Tanzania Democratic Alliance. Tanzania is a vibrant nation holding itself in esteem. It has a glorious history … I call you a hypocrite because you were the one who led the massive rally that demonstrated in support of the Arusha Declaration two days after its announcement on Sunday February 5th 1967. Remember? You wore a white ‘chou en lai’ and had a megaphone in your hand and your voice went hoarse because of the singing and dancing, I was there…..

PARTY LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS

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At the CCM leadership elections in Dodoma on December 20th President Mwinyi obtained 1,311 votes out of 1,340 cast to retain his Chairmanship of the Party. Zanzibar President Amour got 1,296 votes out of 1,318 and was elected Vice-Chairman. 70 members (out of 292 candidates) were elected to the Party’s National Executive Committee (MEC) which had previously had 150 members, Party Vice-chairman Rashidi Kawawa announced his resignation, after more than 40 years in politics, ‘because of age and poor health’ President Mwinyi asked him not to build a fence round his house “because we want to continue drawing from your pot of wisdom”.

The following day the NEC elected the Party’s 19-member Central Committee which now includes Messrs. Horace Kolimba (Secretary General), Paul Bomani (Treasurer), Kingunge N’gombale Mwiru (Publicity Secretary), Cleopa Msuya, Sebastian Chale, Pius Msekwa, Mustafa Nyang’anyi, ldris Wakil and Ben Mkapa.

OTHER MULTI PARTY ACTIVITIES

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More than one million people have joined the CCM Party since the multi-party democracy was adopted last year, announced Party Secretary General Horace Kolimba addressing a huge rally in Mtwara – Daily News.

The ‘Business Times’ published an 8-page supplement on October 30 outlining the personalities and policies of fourteen of the 20 parties provisionally registered. Three of the parties – UMD, CHADEMA and the NCCR were expected to move on to full registration in the near future.

Mr Edwin Mtei of CHADEMA emphasised encouragement of large and small scale farmers through sustained provision of resources, inputs and training. He also said that if his party were elected to power they would abolish the move of government headquarters to Dodoma. He said the move was too costly far the nation.

Chief Fundikira’s UMD party favours the restoration of the nine pre-independence provinces each with an elected governor and parliament, something which his critics say would destroy the unity of the nation.

Party politics returned to Zanzibar with a bang according to “Africa Events” when the Civic United Front (CUF) held it’s first rally, “nothing like at had been seen in the isles since the late 1950’s, with an assembly of some 12,000 apparently committed supporters”. The CUF’s vice-chairman is former Zanzibar Chief Minister Seif Shariff Hamad who is still being charged with a criminal offence involving confidential security documents.

The Rev, Christopher Mtikila, described as ‘the firebrand leader of the Democratic Party’ is serving a nine month jail sentence after being charged with holding an illegal political rally.

The new parties will be able to take part in local government elections on October 31, 1993. The next Presidential election is due in 1995.

THE INDIGENISATION AND PRIVATISATION ISSUES

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One of the main topics of discussion in Dar es Salaam at present is the subject of indigenisation i.e, assistance for African inhabitants to enable them to compete with nonindigenous people (mostly Asians) in business and other
spheres.

Retired President, Mwalimu Nyerere, has made his views very clear. Addressing a press conference at his Msasani residence on December 2nd he warned that the current attempts to categorise Wananchi into indigenous people and others would wreck national unity. He said that the ‘gimmick’ was being used to sell the idea of privatisation but it smacked of racism and would lead to tribal and religious divisions.

He went on to associate privatisation with Thatcherism and Reaganomics and said that the Government should find other means to sell the policy. Mwalimu said that such alien policies had brought turmoil in Britain and the United States which were now in serious economic trouble.

On political pluralism Mwalimu expressed disappointment over the failure by any of the new political parties to articulate their policies which showed lack of seriousness. Having too many parties amounts to having none, he said. “I would be happy if Tanzania had two or three serious parties and, as a Tanzanian, I would support all of them. He maintained, however, that he was a socialist and would only be a member of a socialist party.

He said the policies of any party or nation should not be secret. He stressed that CCM and all the other parties must say openly what they stand for, so as to give voters confidence.

MISCELLANY

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MANPOWER RETRENCHMENT
The Government is to lay off 10,000 workers before the end of this financial year under a manpower retrenchment programme. Minister of State in the President’s Office (Civil Service), Fatma Said Ali, said, on October 28th that the employees, whose list had already been compiled, were from 55 years old and above. To ensure that the exercise would go smoothly, the Minister said, a special committee would be established to take charge of the task. However, in some Government departments, new workers would be employed to fill vacant positions. She cited the Ministry of Education which has a shortage of 16,000 teachers and the Ministry of Health. The Minister said that under the second phase, some 28,000 would be laid off . These would comprise drunkards, the lazy, negligent, incompetent, the sick, unfaithful and uncommitted persons.

POWER SUPPLY
Power supply in the country is likely to stabilise in the next four months following serious power cuts which damaged industry in September and October in Dar es Salaam. There have been improvements of water intake at the Mtera Dam and a donors8 commitment to finance importation of gas turbines with the capacity to generate 60 megawatts. There has been a gradual improvement in water level at the dam, following heavy rains which fell in November. Donor agencies have expressed concern, however, over TANESCO’s outstanding debts and have called for drastic measures to ensure that payment is made for electricity. TANESCO’s main debtors are the Government (mainland) and the Government of Zanzibar which owe them TShs 2.2bn/- and TShs 1.3bn/- respectively.

CABINET RESHUFFLE
President Mwinyi swore in on October 21 Professor Sarungi – the new Minister for Communications and Transport, Jackson Makwetta – Minister for Agriculture, Livestock Development and Cooperatives and Amran Mayagila – Minister for Health; Juma Hamad Omar became Deputy Minister for Defence and National Service, Ditopile Mzuzuri, Deputy Minister of Communications and Transprt, and S P Makame Deputy Finance Minister.

LAND COMMISSION
President Mwinyi received on November 12, 1992 a report by the Commission on Land which had been formed two years ago. The report was presented to the President by the Commission’s chairman, Professor Shivji at Ikulu, Dar es Salaam. The report will be studied by the Government before being made public.

TREASURY EXEMPTS KENYA BEER FROM DUTY
Beer imported from Kenya is no longer subject to import and excise duties. However, this move has caused some concern. Demand for locally produced ‘Safari’ and ‘Pilsner’ beers has gone down rapidly and border regions are said to be flooded with foreign beer. Beer from Kenya is now selling at TShs 115 per bottle in these border areas compared with TShs 350 before, to the detriment of Tanzanian beers which are selling at TShs 300 – Business Times.

COTTON BUYING LIBERALISED
Private businessmen are now being allowed to purchase cotton directly from growers. When the move was first announced there were strong protests from MP’s and, as a result, the Government agreed to rescind the decision, NOW, the Government has allowed businessmen to purchase cotton in areas where cooperatives fail to secure bank loans.

TANZANIA PRAISED
Both France and the United States have recently praised Tanzania publicly for her efforts to bring peace in Rwanda.