SENSA 1988 – PRELIMINARY REPORT OF THE CENSUS

Few African countries can match Tanzania’s good record in census enumeration. There have been three censuses since independence – in 1967, 1978 and 1988. In spite of some organisational difficulties mainly concerned with lack of transport to carry enumerators to the more remote areas, the degree of accuracy and the facilities of the census office are now quite impressive. What a change from the 1931 census when ‘headmen of villages were required to produce seeds of four different plants to indicate the men, women, boys and girls respectively in their areas’! The preliminary report of the 1988 census was published in mid- 1989 and some significant features emerge from it.

It revealed that the total population was 23,174,336, almost a million less than the 1987 forecast of 24,000,000:

………………1978 ….1988
Mainland 17,048,329 (+3.3%) 22,533,758 (+2.8%)
Zanzibar 479,235 (+2.7%) 640,578 (+3.0%)
Total 17,527,564 (+3.3%.) 23,174,336 (+2.8%)

Figures in brackets refer to the average annual growth rate for the previous ten-year period.

There are more females than males in the total population. giving a male/female sex ratio of 96 per 100.

This is significant because it represents a slowing down in the rate of population increase for the first time since records began. However, even this ‘slower’ rate of 2.8% per annum is rapid by world standards and, if continued, would lead to a doubling of the country’s population in only 25 years. Furthermore, in Zanzibar, the population growth rate has increased slightly compared with the previous period.

REGIONAL GROWTH
Coast, Mara and Ruvuma regions grew faster between 1978 and 1988 than they did In the previous inter-census period. The sharpest decrease in the growth rate was experienced in Dar es Salaam, Tabora and Kagera regions. Other regions showed a slight decrease or no change. These variations between regions are the result of migration rather then natural increase. It is at the smaller scale of districts that significant trends can be observed.

URBAN GROWTH
It could be argued that the outstanding demographic characteristic of Africa today is rapid urban growth, which is occurring at a rate unparalleled in any other world region. Migration and natural increase contribute equally to the process in Africa’s case. The situation in Tanzania is that the overall rate of urban growth has slowed down during the decade, largely because of a slowing down of Dar es Salaam’s growth.

The figures for urban population growth are as follows:

TOWN 1952 1957 1967 1978 1988
———~~,- — –”
DAR ES SALAAM 99,140 128,742 272,821 757,346 1,234,754
MWANZA 13,691 19,871 34,861 110,611 182,899
ZANZIBAR – – – 110,669 157,634
TANGA 22,136 38,053 61,058 103,409 138,274
MBEYA 5,566 6,932 12,479 75,505 135,614
MOROGORO 11,501 14,507 25,252 61,890 117,760
ARUSHA 7,598 10,038 32,452 55,281 117,622
MOSHI 9,079 13,726 26,864 52,223 96,838
TABORA 14,031 15,361 21,012 67,392 93,506
DODOMA 12,262 13,435 23,559 45,703 88,473
IRINGA 8,013 9,587 21,746 57,182 84,860
KIGOMA 11,600 – – 50,044 77,055
MTWARA 8,074 – – 48,510 76,632
MUSOMA 4,937 – – 32,658 63,652
SHINYANGA 2,480 – – 21,703 63,471
SONGEA 990 – – 17,954 54,830
SUMBAWANGA 2,116 – – 28,586 47,878
LINDI 11,330 – – 27,308 41,587
SINGIDA 3,125 – – 29,252 39,598
BUKOBA 3,570 – – 20,430 28,702

Dar es Salaam’s growth rate was down from 8.1% to 4.8% p. a. But this slower rate could give Dar a population in excess of 3 million by the year 2004 with further demands on the city’s infrastructure. Some other towns are growing very rapidly, for example, Moshi, 6.2% p.a. and Mbeya, now the fastest growing town in Tanzania, 6.7% (giving a doubling every eleven years). The table above indicates the huge gap between Dar es Salaam and the second town, Mwanza. It is also apparent that, in spite of government policies to promote Dodoma as the capital, its growth has been modest. It was the fifth largest town in 1952 but was ninth in 1988. Changes in the relative size of towns may be partly attributed to changes in Tanzania’s external relationships. For example, the strengthening of political and transport links with Zambia and SADCC countries seems to have had a positive impact on Mbeya while the collapse of sisal exports may underlie Tanga’s relative decline.

Urban growth in the past was due largely to migration of males in search of work, resulting in high urban sex ratios. In 1978 for example, there were over 120 men for every 100 females in Arusha, Bukoba and Moshi. The 1988 census reveals that this male dominated urban sex ratio has declined in nearly all towns from an average of 110 in 1978 to 105 in 1988 but this is still higher than the average of 96. This unbalanced sex ratio is not caused by differential fertility between districts, but by migration from rural to urban areas. Whereas in the past this movement was male dominated, the declining urban sex ratios reveal that now it is increasingly female dominated. Indeed, in the case of some towns like Mbeya there are now more females than males. Its sex ratio of 95 is below the national average. Only three towns, Zanzibar, Kigoma and Mtwara went against the national trend and showed an increase in sex ratios because of inward male migration.

The effect of migration upon rural areas has been to produce a divided Tanzania, at least in terms of its sex ratios. Two broad areas of the country are male dominated. The first extends from the coast between Dar and Tanga and extends inland to Morogoro and from there to Arusha and the Kenya border, with an offshoot from Morogoro to Kilombero district. The second lies further west and extends from Chunya northward through Tabora to Kagera and the Uganda border. Both these areas offer prospects of wage employment for males, in cash crop production or in small industrial enterprises like mining, as is the case in Chunya. Adjacent to these are the female dominated rural districts. The largest forms a huge belt of the country extending from the Mozambique border northwards through Iringa, Doodoma and Singida to Mara. There is a smaller female dominated pocket In the Pare and Usambara mountains of the north-east. These areas experience male outward migration because their harsher environments or more peripheral position have depressed the opportunity for economic activity.

Two broad points can be made in conclusion. Firstly, it would appear that government policy since 1967 – villagisation, decentralisation, capital city relocation – which potentially had large scale implications for the distribution of population, has not had a major impact upon the demographic situation in the country. Migration to urban areas continues, and even if the growth of Dar es Salaam has slowed down, that of many regional centres has not. Dodoma’s growth is less than one might expect and reveals that central location may be insufficient to offset other perceived disadvantages.

Secondly, although the rate of growth has slowed down, the annual addition of some half a million people to the country’s population is still considerable and increases the pressure on resources such as cultivable land. Furthermore, the youthful population structure, with 45% of the population below sixteen years, places an enormous burden upon health and education services.

The Economic Survey for Tanzania (1988) recorded a growth rate for the economy of 4.1% compared with a population growth of 2.8% As a result, the average per capita income showed an increase for the first time in a decade. Of course it does not mean that the benefits will be felt by the average Tanzanian immediately but at least it is a move in the right direction.
Clive Sowden

Mr CLIVE SOWDEN is a Senior Lecturer in Geography at Newcastle Polytechnic and has also, on three occasions, been a Visiting Lecturer in the University of Dar es Salaam. From 1958 to 1964 he was an Education Officer mostly at Tabora Boys’ Secondary School.

OBITUARY

The Bulletin of Tanzanian Affairs regrets to inform its readers of the death on June 4th 1990 of Sir Bernard de Bunsen after many years spent in the service of East Africa. He is chiefly remembered for his work in connection with the setting up of the Makerere University College through which so many subsequent leaders of Tanzania passed. His association with Tanzania continued until 1975 because of his involvement with the establishment of the University of East Africa of which he became the Vice Chancellor and which included the then Dar es Salaam University College.

In 1972 together with Roger Carter, he visited the then Tanzanian High Commissioner in London, Mr George Mhigula, to discuss the possible creation of a voluntary organisation linking Tanzania and Britain which resulted, in January 1975, in the setting up of the Britain Tanzania Society. Sir Bernard served the society first as its Vice-Chairman and, after his eventual retirement in 1985, as Vice President.

REVIEWS

UNESCO GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA. ABRIDGED EDITION. Volumes I, Il and VII. Editors respectively J. Ki-Zerbo, G. Mokhtar and A. Adu Boahen. Different editors for each volume. James Currey Publishers. May 1990. £4.95 each volume.

This history, which is being undertaken as a result of an instruction given to the Director General of UNESCO at its 16th General Conference, ‘does not seek to be exhaustive and is a work of synthesis avoiding dogmatism’ according to the International Scientific Committee set up in 1970 to organise its production. Two thirds of the thirty nine members of the committee are African. ‘The aim is to show the historic relationships between the various parts of the continent’. The fact that the history seems to achieve this aim means that those interested primarily in Tanzania may be disappointed.

Volume I which covers Prehistory might well prove the most satisfying to a Tanzanian readership. Much prominence, with illustrations, is given to the 1.8 million-year-old fossils of hominid form found in Tanzania’s Olduvai Gorge. It is useful to have them placed in the context of all the other fossil forms discovered around the world including even older ones in South Africa. At Olduvai, and also in Kenya, Indonesia and China, excavators have discovered what is now known as Homo erectus which were more advanced on the evolutionary scale than any of their forerunners. As this history, in which there is a refreshing absence of the ‘triumphalism’ of which the Leakeys have been accused, puts it, ‘whether Homo erectus was the final stage of development leading to Homo sapiens remains uncertain’.

Tanzania is mentioned as one of the homes of the earliest known humanly fashioned tools – 3 to 1 million years ago – small quartz fragments showing signs of cutting and wear. Tanzania’s well known rock paintings of the Late Stone Age also get a mention as well as do tools of the Acheulian industrial complex 190.000 years B.C.

Volume II – The Ancient Civilisations of Africa – is less informative on Tanzania – if the index is complete! The small separate groups of Sandawe and Hadza peoples of North Central Tanzania are described under the heading ‘The Southern Savannah Hunting Tradition’. There is also extensive coverage of the Kushitic pastoral tradition of Lake Victoria and the crater highlands of Northern Tanzania and what is described as the ‘now rejected Hamitic Myth’ is briefly debated. ‘The point is that, while the more illogical and romantic aspects of the various and vaguely stated Hamitic hypotheses do derive from prejudiced European scholarship and grotesque attitudes towards Africa, the factual bases of these views were not entirely fictitious. Some of the observations were acute and certain of the historical interpretations very judicious’

Readers of the Bulletin are likely to be more familiar with the history of the period covered in Volume VII – Africa Under Colonial Domination 1880- 1935. To them therefore this volume will be less satisfactory. There are however numerous scattered references to ‘Tanganyika’. ‘The methods of European advance varied from place to place … on the whole they were characterised by the use of force combined, where possible, with diplomatic alliances … The response of Tanganyikans also varied. The coastal people clashed with the Germans in 1888, the Hehe in 1891. But the Marealle and the Kibanga near the mountains of Kilimanjaro and Usambara, allied with the Germans in order to defeat their enemies’.

This volume treats issues of interest to Tanzanians with extreme brevity. The ‘Missionary Factor’ in Southern Africa is covered in half a page and the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded as long ago as 1929, gets a paragraph. The whole area of ‘Politics and Nationalism in East Africa 1919-35’ is covered in nine pages and most of these concentrate on the situation in Kenya. There are scattered items here and there which may be debatable such as that ‘the Africans in several highland areas of Tanganyika won against the colonial authorities (in the planting of coffee) faster than the administration could destroy the trees’.

To sum up, these volumes are highly readable and contain a vast amount (1,106 pages) of interest to historians, professional and amateur alike. The volumes are also quite remarkably good value for money – DRB.

FAMINE IN EAST AFRICA: FOOD PRODUCTION AND FOOD POLICIES. Ronald E Seavoy. Greenwood Press, New York. 1989. £ 38.70.
(This review appeared first in the International Journal of African Historical Studies’ – Editor)

The intention of this book is to provide new insights into the centuries old problem of famine in East Africa. The reader is informed in the Preface that the author has already established the ‘revolutionary distinction between subsistence and commercial social values’ in a previous book. Bracing oneself for further mind-expanding revelations, one is not left in suspense for very long. In Chapter 1 the differences between peasants and the rest of the world are outlined. According to the author, the view that peasants are poor, lack income and employment, and are dominated by non-peasant classes, is thoroughly false. This view overlooks the essential truth, namely, that peasants are ‘indolent’. The rest of the book is primarily an exercise in citing literature to illustrate this point. Dr Seavoy has a fairly large bibliography and there are many authors who would cringe to see their work interpreted in this way. Because the boundaries of East Africa are never clearly established, the reader is bombarded with citations from all directions. Looking at the maps, however, one assumes that the book’s focus is Tanzania. Indeed the argument centers on Tanzania.

One important qualification to the argument relates to gender. Dr Seavoy equates ‘peasants’ with male peasants. Wives and children of ‘peasants’ are extremely hard working. High fertility is a clever strategy on the part of the peasants to avoid more work. It is never explained why wives and children are not gripped by a commercial weltanschauung despite their successful triumph over indolence.

The author seems unaware that he 1s not the first to rail against ‘lazy natives’. The theory of backward sloping labour supply curves and target workers is portrayed as a reality of the present day. The author bemoans the fact that development economists, marxist social scientists and senior political leaders of East African nations have all overlooked the essential truth. Both Nyerere (p. 178) and McNamara (p. 225) lack understanding of the fundamental indolence of peasants. As far as the author is concerned, Nyerere’s villagisation programe did not go far enough and the World Bank is completely wrong to suggest that peasants should receive higher producer prices since they are, after all, target earners. It seems that the only way that peasants are going to experience a ‘commercial revenue’ is through more forceful coercion. In the author’s words: ‘A policy of creating and rewarding commercial cultivators thus requires large investments In full-time police, paramilitary units, and an army …. Contrary to what most development economists believe, investment in armed force (sic) is one of the most productive investments that can be made by the governments of peasant nations …. All armed forces must be prepared to enforce commercial policies on peasants with maximum amounts of violence if necessary (p. 26).

One has visions of Dr Seavoy in a tank mowing down all those misguided development economists and Marxist social scientists who are ‘devotees of the cult of the peasant’ (p. 221), clearing the way for his single-handed conquest of peasantdom.
Deborah Fahy Bryceson

TANZANIA: AN AFRICAN EXPERIMENT. Rodger Yeager. Second edition, revised and updated. Dartmouth publishing Co. Aldershot. 1989.

The first edition of this book, published in 1982, received warm praise; this present second edition is no less meritorious. Dr Yeager’s ability to write clearly and with the minimum of technical jargon will recommend this text to the general reader, while the African specialist will find a great deal of well-researched and -referenced material for study.

As the author points out in his preface, much has happened since the first edition went to press. He singles out two events in particular, the ‘near collapse’ of the Tanzanian economy find the retirement of Mwalimu Nyerere from the Presidency. ‘These turning points have caused me to re-examine the Tanzanian experiment and to record the result in this new edition’ he explains (p. xi).

The substantial part of the revised text deals with the economic crisis resulting from Tanzania’s balance of payments difficulties in 1979 which led to the country’s approach to the IMF the following year. Dr Yeager reviews the debate that opened up in the ‘party government’ between the pragmatists and the idealists, between those prepared to accept elements of the IMF’s free market/private enterprise medicine, and t hose who remained committed to the principles of Ujamaa socialism even when they involved considerable material sacrifice.

While the author has presented both sides of the debate with a measure of objectivity, his own preference for a pragmatic solution, ‘without sacrificing the larger goal of an equitable and democratically integrated social order’ (p. 150), emerges strongly in the concluding chapter, where he rejects ideologically-motivated social engineering projects such as the villagisation scheme of the mid- 1970’s and ‘resource draining benefits’ such as the subsidisation of urban food prices (pp 150-51).

However, Dr Yeager does not show how the politics of pragmatism will make Tanzania less dependent on developed countries, and in on earlier chapter devoted to its international position, sets out the goal of ‘interdependence (between Tanzania and its trade/aid partners) under acceptable terms’ (p 141) without indicating how this can be achieved. As his book demonstrates, Tanzania has become more dependent on outside aid and investment throughout the 1980’s, with loans from the international agencies like the IMF, further aid from donor nations, the return of transnationals like Lonrho and a series of currency devaluations to assist exports. Events since this text went to press, such as the December 1989 $1.3 billion international aid package, provide further evidence of this trend.

Of course, one must appreciate the fact that Tanzania’s options are severely circumscribed, as event s before the 1980’s crisis – dealt with fully in this revised edition – indicate.

The Tanzanian experiment, launched by the Arusha Declaration (1967), had won the sympathy of many doctrinaire leftists (and moderates too) in the West, who hoped that ‘self reliance’ would enable Tanzania to lessen, possibly end, its dependence on the developed world. Its highly publicised shortcomings have been explained in terms of (inter alia) climatic and environmental problems, policy and planning mistakes and an excess of zeal by party activists associated with villagisation. All of these factors are discussed in some detail by Dr Yeager.

His book is less successful when it comes to the macroeconomic factors responsible for the country’s poor performance in the 1970’s and 80’s: the ‘scissors effect’, the steady deterioration in its terms of trade with the ‘North’ – expressed in Mwalimu Nyerere’s reference to the increasing quantity of sisal the nation had to sell to keep up with the rising prices of Western tractors; the widening economic gap between North and South highlighted in the Brandt Report; a continuing crisis in the global financial system following the breakdown of fixed exchange rate mechanisms in the early 70’s; and the international debt crisis of the 1960′ s.

It is true that these global factors – mentioned for the most part only cursorily in this book – cast a different light on the mistakes made in the past by the Tanzanian Government. But it is also true that resolution of these structural problems in the world economy is beyond the ability of anyone government (whether in the North or South).

In the meantime, immediate and pressing economic problems demand immediate solutions. Whether or not President Mwinyi and his colleagues will discard the Tanzanian experiment along the way only time will tell, but few readers will dissent from Dr Yeager’s conclusion that so long as advances continue to be made in health, education and other social services, roads and marketing facilities, agricultural credit and cooperat1ves, and local government institutions, the nation and community-building core of the Tanzanian experiment will remain intact.
Murray Steele

SUPPORT OR SUBVERSION: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FARMING SYSTEMS RESEARCH AND TANZANIA’S RURAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY OBJECTIVES. Larry S. Lev and Ann L Shriver. Journal of Rural Studies. Vol 6. No 1. 1990. 12 pages.

This paper states that its aim is to facilitate improved communication between Farming Systems Research personnel and national policy makers; it points out that the long-term success of any farming systems approach is dependent upon effective cooperation with government. The paper then compares and contrasts the two different approaches in a Tanzanian context during recent years.

It writes that since independence Tanzania has embarked upon a wide variety of rural development initiatives including the introduction of communal production systems, the massive resettlement programmes, price controls and the establishment of parastatal marketing agencies. These policies were formulated to achieve specific societal goals such as greater equity, the provision of social services and the feeding of the urban population. In contrast, the Farming Systems Approach focuses on understanding the problems and opportunities of individual family units and on setting in motion a process of technology generation that will increase the productivity of these families.

In the early years these approaches were far apart. Recently, however, although Tanzania has been adopting a variety of new more liberal agricultural policies it is still not clear whether the state’s involvement in the country’s economic life will change since no clear commitment to a change in the overall ideology of state control has yet been articulated. The current phase may represent an attempt to maintain donor financing by acceding to external demands for reform rather than through a fundamental reduction of the role of government.

Because the current era is more friendly to the farming systems approach, policy makers are displaying a growing acceptance of the wisdom and rationality of farmers and hence an interest in the collection of data that can assist in determining farmer reactions to infrastructure investments and policy actions. The government’s decision to rely increasingly on the carrot rather than the stick meshes closely With the farming systems approach philosophy.

WAGON OF SMOKE. AN INFORMAL HISTORY OF THE EAST AFRICAN RAILWAYS AND HARBOURS ADMINISTRATION. Arthur F. Beckenham. Cadogan Books Ltd. 1989. £16.00.

According to a review in the ‘Overseas Pensioner’ this 200,OOO-word 400-page book covers the period between 1948, when the largest public transport under taking in the whole of the British colonial administration was inaugurated, through the merger of the Kenya and Uganda Railways and Harbours and the Tanganyika Railways and Port Services into a single organisation, and 1961 when the inter-territorial East African High Commission underwent its metamorphosis into the East African Common Services Organisation. For the rail way buff the book is said (in the review) to represent a veritable encyclopaedia of professional details, technical data and the minutiae of institutional history. There are three dozen illustrations and numerous maps, diagrams, tables and the names of over 150 locomotives – Editor.

TANZANIA: SURVIVING AGAINST THE ODDS. A CAFOD Report by Seamus Cleary. 1990. £1. 0
This is a 36-page booklet of seven chapters in which the author writes concisely about the geography, the history and the people of Tanzania as well as its relations with Southern Africa and the current state of its economy.

HERE BE DRAGONS. A TV Channel 4 ‘Survival’ Film June 6 1990.
A young piano pupil played a gentle pastoral piece with brisk determination until her interpretation became tender at the thought of eating lemon ice cream in the bath. I wonder if a Grumeti crocodile has tender thoughts. He probably thinks of his last banquet which may have been months ago. He and his companions seem too large and too many for the meagre reserves of fish, frogs, nestlings or small mammals that they can catch, scavenge or steal.

The first part of this film concentrated on these crocodiles. The tiny Grumeti river flows westward through the Serengeti to Lake Victoria. By the end of the dry season it has shrunk to 8 series of pools. Before that an army of wildebeest thunder towards it during their migration. They stop to drink. The nearly submerged predators are waiting. All is quiet until a thrashing crocodile leaps up and drags a wildebeest into the water. Other crocodiles join in and the carcass is torn to pieces. Of the thousands of wildebeest, the crocodiles kill a few dozen. The rest continue their journey. The crocodiles are satiated and live off this banquet until the same time the following year.

The next part of the film takes us across Lake Victoria, over the tumultuous Murchison Falls to the waters of the Nile below. Beyond the torrents crocodile mothers come to land to lay their eggs. In so doing they not only provide for the future of their race but for the future of many other creatures. They are unwilling providers of food. Predators wait until the dangerous mothers are away to steal and eat some of the eggs. When the mothers are present they have no chance. In fact the monitor lizard lives dangerously and is so nervous that he can be scared by the aggressive display of a dikkup. The dikkop chooses the crocodile beach because of the unwitting protection the crocodile can give, and she can deceive her by feigning injury and luring her away from her nest if the crocodile shows interest in it. Weaver birds live overhead protected from snakes by the presence of the crocodiles. The mother crocodile digs to free her babies when she hears them chirping and, as soon as they are hatched, carries mouthfuls of them down to the river. Equal numbers are snapped up at the nest by eagles, monitor lizards, the marsh mongoose and others. When the mother crocodile has rescued all she can she stays with them in the river. They often rest on her back and are utterly charming, but, in spite of all her efforts, only one or two will survive into adulthood.

The team of Alan Root, Mark Deeble, Victoria Stone and the officers and scientists of the National Parks of Tanzania and Uganda deserve our thanks.
Shirin Spencer

TA ISSUE 36

TA 36 cover

ENTIRE CABINET TOLD TO RESIGN
“I WANT TO SEE RESULTS” – MWINYI
SERIOUS FLOODS
IMPLICATIONS OF CHANGES IN EASTERN EUROPE
NELSON MANDELA IN TANZANIA
SIXTY YEARS OF MISSIONARY WORK
TANZANIAN ARTISTS COMING TO BRITAIN
10 BOOK AND JOURNAL REVIEWS

THE THREE MINUTE CABINET MEETING

Tanzania Daily News front page 13 March 1990

The ‘Daily News’ brought out its biggest ever headline on March 12th 1990 to report the shortest ever cabinet meeting.

Ministers arrived in their cars and, according to a report in Dar es Salaam’s ‘Business Times’, expected to be there for perhaps three hours. Many instructed their drivers to leave and come back later.

But the meeting lasted only three minutes. President Mwinyi indicated that he wished all 26 Ministers and 14 Deputy Ministers to resign immediately !

He later explained that the reason was to fight corruption, which was rampant in all ministries and because of the lack of accountabilty. Explaining the absurdity of the extent of evil in society. Mr Mwinyi said that even peanut sellers had to bribe people in order to operate. “We all behave as if the others have money and only we don’t and must therefore get it” he said. The President added that retired civil servants, or others, were also being asked to bribe in order to get their benefits. “If they refuse to give bribes they end up, being treated like shuttle cocks with endless promises and being asked to come tomorrow.”

After the short cabinet meeting, in the absence of their cars, several Ministers had to walk home! And one Minister, who had explained that he had an important engagement in Europe in a few days time had been told firmly to cancel it.

There followed two days of intense speculation in Dar es Salaam. According to ‘Africa Events’ there was much enthusiasm by the populace and a belief that something was, at last, about to be done about the rampant corruption. But when, two days later, President Mwinuyi announced that he had reappointed Mr Joseph Warioba as Prime Minister, there was profound disappointment. This was not because Mr Warioba was considered to be corrupt but because people thought that this was an opportunity for a clean break with the past and for a new beginning.

SEVEN MINISTERS DROPPED
People had to wait another day before the rest of the new government was announced.

President Mwinyi dropped seven ministers. They were, with their old portfolios in brackets, Messrs Al-Noor Kassum (Energy and Minerals), Aaron Chidua (Health), M. Kimario (Home Affairs), D. Lubuva (Justice), C. Kissanji (Water) and A. Ntagazwa (Lands, Natural Resources and Tourism) plus Mrs G. Mongella (Minister without Portfolio).

The Ministers, Pres1dent Mwinyi stated categorically, were not guilty of corruption; the fact that they had been removed from the government should not be misconstrued either by the public or the individuals themselves. All the seven were “nice, decent, and clean people, but this move is being taken because a lot of evils have been going on in their ministries. It is a question of accountability and nothing else” he said. Such malpractices were widespread throughout the government but they were worst in their ministries.” Actually, they have been let down by their subordinates” he said.

The President likened the plight of the ministers to his own problem in 1976 when he had had to resign as Minister for Home Affairs when forces under his ministry had misbehaved in Shinyanga where a number of people had died. “I never sent them there to misbehave, nor did they consult me about it, but then I was accountable” he said. He had realised how wise his predecessor Mwalimu Nyerere had been when he had advised him in 1985 at the time of the handing over of power to be ‘a little bit harsh’. He intended to be very harsh, he said – Daily News.

THE DEEPER REASONS
‘Africa Events’ in its April 1990 issue endeavoured to work out the deeper reasons behind the dramatic reshuffle. It stated that the CCM Party’s National Executive Committee had had before it at its meeting (February 7-12) the report of the ‘Committee of Enquiry into Corruption’ which had been set up two years earlier. The report had made extremely grim reading. 12 institutions including the Ministries of Health, Home Affairs, Justice and Lands had been highlighted as particularly notorious. Chairman Nyerere was said to have demanded that the ministers responsible should appear before the Central Committee of the Party. The Minister of Justice was said to have immediately submitted his resignation rather than accept what he regarded as undeserved humiliation. Apparently the Prime Minister had done likewise. However. the Minister for Home Affairs had been prepared to face the Central Committee but had indicated that what he would say would embarrass everybody. It was to avoid resignations and embarrassment that the decision to call on all to resign was taken according to ‘Africa Events’.

In a separate article in the same issue ‘Africa Events’ noted that when the cabinet was asked to resign Mwalimu Nyerere was several thousand feet up in the air on his way to Rome. When he had been President, Mwalimu had hardly ever sacked anybody. His loyalty to his colleagues was his weak point. Did he know what was going to happen? Apparently, President Mwinyi had gone to the airport to see Mwalimu off for Rome and immediately on his return to State House, he had assembled his ministers and ‘pulled out his long knife’. Again, according to ‘Africa Events’, those who were at Rome’s airport when Mwalimu arrived were under the impression that he had been taken completely by surprise. President Mwinyi had ‘fired his own volley and what a thunderous bang it has been’. ‘He now stands unquestionably tall despite his short physique. Tanzanians looked on in unconcealed joy. Dar es Salaam will never be the same again’ the article concluded.

NEW CABINET
The new cabinet has 24 members of whom four are new as is also one deputy minister. The cabinet is as follows:

Prime Minister and First Vice-President: Joseph Warioba
Foreign Affairs: Benjamin Mkapa
Energy, Minerals and Water: Jakaya M. Kikwete (new);
Health: Charles Kabeho (new)
Home Affairs: Nalaila Kiula (new)
Industries and Trade: C. Msuya (formerly Minister of Finance)
Communications and Works: P. Ng’wandu (formerly Industries and Trade)
Finance: S. Kibona (formerly Communications and Works)
Local Government, Community Development, Cooperatives and Marketing: Anna Abdallah (formerly Capital Development)
Minister of State, President’s Office (Special Duties concerned with following up government directives): Paul Bomani (formerly Local Government, Community Development, Cooperatives and Marketing)
Minister of State, Presidents Office (Planning): Kighoma Malima
Minister of State Presidents Office (Civil Service) Fatma Said Ali
Minister of State, Presidents Office (Defence): Jackson Makweta
Minister of State, Prime Ministers Office: (Regional Administration): Charles Kileo
Minister of State, Prime Ministers Office: Anna Makinda (Coordination)
Minister of State, Second Vice-Presidents Office: Mohamed Seif Khatibu
Minister Without Portfolio: Rashidi Kawawa
Minister of State, Finance: Amina Salum Ali
Agriculture and Livestock Development: Stephen Wassira
Education: Amran Mayagila
Lands, Natural Resources and Tourism: Marcel Komanya
Labour, Culture and Social Welfare: Joseph Rwegasira
Information and Broadcasting: Ahmed Hassan Diria
Minister of State, Local Government, Community Development, Cooperatives and Marketing: Mateo Qaresi
The Ministry of Justice has been abolished but the Minister, Hr Damian Lubuva, retains his post of Attorney-General.
Deputy Ministers remain the same except for Mr Rajabo 0 Mbana, the MP for Kigoma Rural, who becomes Deputy Minister for Lands, Natural Resources and Tourism and Mr Evarist Mwananso who moves from the Ministry of Lands to the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development.

The President stated that, although people wanted to see change, it would not have been proper to bring in a completely new team with only four months to go before Parliament is dissolved and fresh elections are held in October. If he had done so, the new ministers would still be finding their way around when elections were due.

“I WANT TO SEE RESULTS”
The major tasks of the new cabinet would be to fight corruption vigorously, cut costs and supervise work and I want to see results said President Mwinyi. People must be given loans under laid down procedures. On cost cutting he said that he had already instructed ministers to reduce unnecessary foreign trips and cut down the number of seminars unless they were budgeted for or financed by foreign donors. He was also drastically cutting down diplomatic personnel in foreign missions. Except in a few cases, only a Head of Mission, his immediate assistant and one supporting officer would be posted abroad. In future all ministers must be accountable he said. Supervision at work was a must. Official transport must not be seen to be wandering about after 2.30 pm.

President Mwinyi also announced that he would be holding monthly meetings directly with the people. At his first meeting, for which some 600 people registered, and which was held at the Lumumba Party Sub-Head Office in Dar es Salaam, he sat for eight hours listening to complaints centred on unresolved land issues, delays in court cases and the denial of terminal benefits. He immediately ordered the arrest of two Land Officers who were subsequently charged in court with three counts of soliciting and receiving a 280,000/bribe. Other anti-corruption activity on subsequent days included the suspension of Judge Moses J Mwakibete for allegedly receiving a bribe (two of the judges charged with examining the case would come from outside the country), the transfer of the Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner of Customs to other duties and various other minor court cases.

In Zanzibar, after President Wakil had met 14 more people out of 300 with complaints, he summoned officials from two ministries, the CCM Party and the Police to comment on the grievances.

WORST FLOODS FOR FORTY YEARS

Tanzania is suffering, as this Bulletin goes to press from its worst floods since 1944. President Mwinyi has launched an appeal to international donors for urgent help. More than 100 people have been killed and 1,500 houses have been swept away in the Mtwara and Lindi regions. 300 people have also been made homeless in Babati town.

STOP PRESS – THE FLOODS
The latest news from the flood zone in southern Tanzania is that victims urgently needed help from the local and international communities including food, medicines, temporary shelter, clothing and cooking utensils. Prime Minister and First Vice-President Warioba, returning from the devastated area, said that the government also needed vessels including helicopters to distribute relief supplies. Most of the affected areas were inaccessible by road.

He estimated that Shs 260 million would be needed to rebuild four big bridges washed away or damaged by the floods and many smaller bridges had been affected.

More than 72,000 people were homeless in Lindi district. In some cases the midnight floods from the Makonde Plateau had wiped out entire settlements leaving no trace. Twenty houses have also been destroyed in Morogoro region following heavy rains which have fallen all over the country.

WE NEED YOU MORE NOW – MALECELA

Tanzania needed friends of the kind found in the Britain Tanzania Society more now than in the past because of the changing climate of opinion in the West about Africa said Mr John Malecela, Tanzania’s new High Commissioner in London speaking on April 11th 1990 at Commonwealth House. He was at a ceremony marking the handing over of a bust of former President Nyerere by the Society to the Commonwealth Trust which will display it on the ground floor of its Northumberland Avenue headquarters.

Mr Malecela quoted impressive statistics on advances in education and provision of health care in Tanzania since independence but indicated that from 1976 onwards things had become much more difficult as the Aid community – and particularly the IMF began to attach conditions to its assistance. Adult literacy had fallen from 86% to 76% as Tanzania had been forced to limit its spending on social services. He noted how Malawi had been recommended as an example of what Tanzania should have done. But Malawi was itself now facing very serious problems. Unlike many other developing countries Tanzania had been willing to ‘lift up the carpet and show the dirt underneath’.

He expressed concern at current ‘aid fatigue’ in the West and said that Africa wanted non-government organisations like the Britain Tanzania Society to speak out loud to combat the increasing attention being focussed by everyone on Eastern Europe. Eastern Europeans were ten or even a hundred times better off than Africans he said.

Asked by a member of the audience whether Tanzania did not need ‘glasnost’ as well as ‘perestroika’ Mr Malecela spoke about multipartyism. Yes, he said, a multi-party system will come to Tanzania. But we should be very cautious. Tanzania had become a one-party state by default not by design. Mr Gorbachev had unleashed forces which threatened to break up the Soviet Union. And we should look at the situation in Yugoslavia. If Tanzania had a multiparty system now ‘people would be bought’. Tanzanians would become items for sale. He referred to Nicaragua and American money and the recent allegation about Mr Scargill and Libya. He pointed to Mwalimu Nyerere’s great achievement in bringing 121 tribes together as Tanzanians. “We should take it easy on the multi-party issue. We might make a terrible mistake”.

CHANGE IN EASTERN EUROPE – TANZANIANS STUDY THE IMPLICATIONS

‘Winds of change have gusted down from Eastern Europe to stir an unprecedented political debate in socialist Tanzania’, wrote the Nairobi Daily News in its April 4th 1990 issue. In an article under the heading ‘Is Tanzania Ready for Multi-Party Democracy’ the paper stated: Mwalimu Nyerere himself opened the debate in February 1990 when he said that Tanzanians should not … believe that a one-party state was God’s wish. “It is now possible to have alternative parties if only to overcome problems related to complacency in a single-party system” he said. Diplomatic sources were quoted as having said that Mwalimu. who had seen much of his economic thinking reversed by the market-oriented policies of his successor, President Mwinyi, was clutching at the last of his ideals. Dr Nyerere was said to have been badly shaken by events in Eastern Europe and to fear that his life’s work might be swept away.

The’ New York Times’ in its issue of February 27th under the heading ‘African Elder Trims One Party Stand’ stated that ‘in what amounted to the first discussion by an African leader of the political repercussions of events in Eastern Europe – where Tanzania has sent Party cadres to study – Mr Nyerere had suggested that a single-party state should not be sacrosanct. It was thought that he had been influenced by the visit he had made in January to East Germany where his party had formal relations with the then ruling communist party. Tanzanians training at East German party schools had been sent home after the schools had been closed down.

“NEW PARTIES SHOULD BE NATIONAL, SECULAR AND SOCIALIST” – NYERERE
Addressing media representatives in February Mwalimu had also said that it was absurd and ridiculous to suggest that Tanzania’s socialist policies would go with him. Tanzania had a generation of people who valued Ujamaa. “It is not out of vanity that I say this” he said. “Ujamaa has taken root in Tanzania”. If CCM however were to give the green light for the formation of many parties then those parties should be national, secular and socialist in character.

BABU WARNS NYERERE
Mr A. M Babu the well-known former Tanzanian Cabinet Minister published an ‘Open Letter’ addressed to Mwalimu Nyerere in the February issue of ‘New African’ which was headed ‘Babu Warns Nyerere’. Babu wrote that he had carried out an investigation to assess what Tanzanians in London thought about the events in Eastern Europe. Almost without exception they had approved of what was taking place. If the CCM wanted to survive as a political party, he wrote, it must have the foresight to relinquish its sole and total grasp on power. ‘We need a free people first of all – free from the constraints of party ‘directives’, the pettiness of its very often pompous bureaucrats, freed from the daily surveillance of the secret police and informers who are essential to maintain the one-party system, freed from economic exploitation accentuated by the workers and peasants inability by law to organise independently ……’

A SYMPOSIUM IN DAR ES SALAAM
On March 24th 1990 a three-day symposium began in Dar es Salaam. The theme was again the changes sweeping Eastern Europe. But, this time, according to the Daily News, there was a consensus, during discussion of a paper analysing global experiences in building socialism, that Tanzania’s political system allowed a great measure of popular participation. Participants felt that Tanzania could be a model of one party democracy. Rather than forming more political parties, Tanzanians should reform the present system to maximise democracy and check corruption of power in high offices. Professor Aikael Kweka of Dar es Salaam University said that the changes in Eastern Europe did not signify the end of socialism. Socialism would remain necessary as long as oppression and exploitation existed. Others felt that the Party had been doing quite well in Tanzania and that only a few small changes were needed. “Socialism is the only pillar, come what may” said one party representative.

A whole string of suggestions for reform in Tanzania were made by speakers. Mass organisations should get greater autonomy; there should be checks and balances to ensure that the party lived up to people’s expectations; party and government positions should be clearly separated; managing directors of parastatals should not be also party secretaries; party members and non-members should be allowed to contest parliamentary elections; the party should no longer pick candidates for leadership of mass organisations …

AND A SEMINAR IN LONDON
Then followed a seminar in London, held at the Commonwealth Institute on April 14th 1990. It was a packed occasion of over two hundred Tanzanians from all over the United Kingdom and Ireland. It was chaired – better perhaps to say animated – by Tanzania’s lively new High Commissioner in London, Mr John Malecela, who controlled the discussions with considerable aplomb, a light hand and great wit.

The most solid paper was presented by Dr E. J. Kisanga, who, unlike most of the participants, stressed the economic implications and the need for Tanzania to become a viable trading nation. He saw the implications of the changes in Eastern Europe as greater competition for the resources of Western Europe and perhaps more severe conditionalities attached to aid with adverse effects on foreign investment in Tanzania; but, at the same time, possible advantages in the opening up of new markets for Tanzania’s products like tea, coffee and cashew nuts. The world was watching Tanzania he said; they had been able to attract resources in the past because of Tanzania’s good record but there was a risk of the country being marginalised if it did not retain this good record in terms of human rights.

Speaker after speaker, including, surprisingly, several members of the staff of the High Commission, called for changes in Tanzania. People wanted to decide for themselves and not to have decisions taken for them. Few speakers however were prepared to be precise about what the changes should be. No one advocated capitalism directly and one fluent lady speaker, defended Tanzania’s present political structures. She said that she had been in the Soviet Union for seven years and that as far as she was concerned Perestroika had failed and it was not needed in Tanzania. But there were still many problems to be resolved at home.

Speakers pointed to the important issues involved: private sector versus state sector; collectives and individuals; equity and growth; inheritance and disadvantage; Tanzania’s politicised army; above all, poverty.

A few off the cuff remarks:
‘There are plenty of learned Tanzanians; very few educated ones’
‘There is democracy and domocracy’ – from the Swahili word for mouth ‘mdomo’; Tanzanians were said to be very good at ‘domocracy’.
‘The Republic of Kilimanjaro has nothing to do with this seminar’; a reference to a remarkably badly written tract handed to participants outside the building as they arrived; it proposed that if, after a referendum, Zanzibar should break away from the Union, the mainland should be called the ‘Republic of Kilimanjaro’.
‘We had a brilliant philosopher king as our leader; but Nyerere has stepped aside; the people should decide who our next leaders should be’,
‘Most civil servants are thieves’.
‘Leave planning to the people’,
‘Remember, a leader is a person whose salary is bigger than his father’s was’.
‘People are dying in various parts of the world because of language and religion; in Tanzania we have a unified democratic state without language and religious problems.
‘The important things are love of people for each other, religion and food to eat’.
‘If I were Minister of the People … there wouldn’t be any competition for that job …. ‘
‘Will change help the common man? …. if people weren’t greedy everything would be alright’.

The debate was lively, good humoured and all spoke sincerely about what they thought. There was no anger. This debate was something which, one speaker pointed out, would not be possible in the case of some of Tanzania’s neighbours.

Mr Richard Mpopo and the Tanzania Association deserve considerable credit for organising such an ambitious occasion.
David Brewin

BUSINESS & THE ECONOMY

INVESTMENT CODE READY
Tanzania’s new Investment Code drawn up by the government has finally been agreed after amendments insisted on by the CCM Party designed to stress the motivation of Tanzanians to invest in their own country.

At the beginning of April the Investment Code was brought before Parliament under a Bill entitled the National Investment Promotion and Protection Bill. In the debate there were demands for more definitive laws to protect local entrepreneurs from ‘the jaws of international capitalism’, clearer definition of customs policies and land ownership, guarantees on transfer of technology, a removal of red tape, more explanation of what joint ventures meant to Tanzanians and more progress in demarcating village boundaries ‘to protect them from the risk of losing their land to foreign investors’. The Minister for Industries and Trade, Mr Cleopa Msuya said that Tanzanians should change their attitude towards work, raise their productivity and assure foreign investors that they would get their money back. The Bill was subsequently passed unanimously – Daily News.

MORE BRITISH AID
Britain has announced an additional £2.5 million assistance to Tanzania’s Economic Recovery programme. The announcement was made by Mrs Lynda Chalker, Minister for Overseas Development during a dinner on March 5th 1990 hosted by Tanzania’s former Minister of Finance, Mr Cleopa Msuya. The sum is additional to the £15 million pledged by Britain during the consultative group meeting in Paris in December last year. The visiting Minister commended efforts being made by the Tanzanian Government towards economic recovery and pointed to the increase in agricultural and industrial output which had been achieved. The £2.5 million would be used for provision of human drugs and buses for urban transport and was in response to an urgent request from the government.

Mrs Chalker visited the Mnazi Mmoja Hospital, the Malawi dry cargo facilities at the Dar es Salaam port and the Kisimbani Clove research Station in Zanzibar.

NELSON MANDELA IN TANZANIA

“A VERY STRANGE PERSON INDEED”

Mandela and Nyerere http://www.nelsonmandela.org/index.php/news/article/nelson_mandelas_tanzania_trips_revisited/

It was in these terms that Mwalimu Nyerere described Nelson Mandela in introductory remarks before Mwalimu presented him to the multitude of people who thronged the National Stadium in Dar es Salaam on March 6th 1990. ‘It beats the mind’, wrote the ‘Daily News’ in its second lavishly illustrated special supplement on the visit, ‘how, after spending 27 years of physical and psychological torture in the jails of currently the most brutal regime in the world, he can still maintain a razorsharp mental alertness and physical fitness’.

As early as 10 am, the account continued, although people knew that his plane was not due until 5 pm the road to the airport and the airport itself was beginning to be filled with excited people. Although there was a heavy downpour of rain immediately before his arrival, plus the fact that Dar es Salaam has chronic transport problems, hundreds of thousands of people stayed along the route to give Mr Mandela the biggest reception ever seen in Dar es Salaam. Everyone went wild with excitement at seeing the man they had only heard about or seen in pictures.

“It is a distant dream come true”, “I cannot believe my eyes”, “This is great”, “I can now die in peace” exclaimed people as they saw Nelson Mandela and his beautiful wife Winnie triumphantly pass by in the ceremonial Rolls Royce with a beaming Mwalimu at his side.

Mwalimu was visibly a proud man because Tanzanians, were once again demonstrating their political maturity, for, as he once said, Tanzanians can tell a comrade from a friend.

The 100,000 plus mass of people in the National Stadium on March 7th heard Mr Mandela speak. Although old, his voice was still strong and forceful, his reasoning disarming. Mr Mandela was awarded the ‘Order of the Torch of Kilimanjaro of the Second Class’ which is normally presented to Prime Ministers and other leaders of great distinction and eminence.

For four hours the following day normal business in Zanzibar town was paralysed as thousands of islanders poured into the streets, jammed the airport and the Amaan Stadium to welcome ‘Comrade’ (as he was described throughout his visit) Mandela.

‘Amandla’ the capacity crowd roared as the open Landrover drove round the stadium. Mr Mandela recounted his encounter with the late Isles President, Abeid Karume, in Addis Ababa in 1962. Mr Mandela requested to be taken to Mr Karume’s grave and he was shown the place where Mr Karume had been assassinated. Mr Mandela, who had last visited Tanzania shortly after independence in 1962, spoke highly of the Union between the former Tanganyika and Zanzibar and said that other African leaders searching for the unity of the continent should study the Tanzanian formula.

By this time the visitor was enjoying himself so much that he said to the delighted crowd that he contemplated sending Winnie back to Soweto so that he could enjoy Tanzanian hospitality more freely.