MISCELLANY

Government has refused to register two community newspapers. A statement by the Information Department (Maelezo) said it is the government’s policy to allow only Kiswahili and English newspapers. It said there is no law but in the past such newspapers had been rejected in the interest of “national unity.” The two newspapers were to be in Kihangaza, which is spoken in Ngara, and in Gujarati that is spoken by Asians -Mwananchi

Scout headquarters has banned foreign trips for its members. The Chief Commissioner of Scouts said that it had been necessary to take this step after many scouts had used the organisation to seek asylum in foreign countries -Mwananchi.

The new American ambassador to Tanzania, Robert Royall, was described by Secretary of State Colin Powell as a banker, a businessman and a personal friend of President Bush. The new Ambassador said that Tanzania’s support in the war against terrorism was not only appreciated, but indicative of her desire to work for peace and stability throughout East Africa.

The Kilimanjaro National Park Authority has awarded an Italian tourist Bruno Brunod a special certificate following his record-breaking climb of Mount Kilimanjaro in eight hours 34 minutes and 52 seconds. His personal physician said that this had been possible because Brunod was an experienced climber and had done a lot of preparation.

The highly successful Nation Media Group which publishes newspapers and has radio and TV stations in Kenya and Uganda is looking into plans to expand into print and broadcasting in Tanzania before the end of this year -East African.

The Bagamoyo College of Arts was razed to the ground in a fire in February. The Swedish government has offered to rebuild the college ­Guardian

BA has introduced new direct flights from Heathrow to Dar es Salaam. The flight between Dar and Heathrow has been reduced from 12 to 10 hours. At the inaugural flight ceremony British High Commissioner to Tanzania, Richard Clarke, said links between Tanzania and the United Kingdom continued to grow in business and tourism and added that the Minister of State in the President’s Office (Planning and Privatisation), Dr Abdallah Kigoda, had named Britain as the leading investor in the country. BA Manager for Tanzania Saada Juma said BA fights would be leaving Dar at 9.15am on Wednesdays, Fridays and Sundays and arrive at Heathrow at 5.15pm and return flights would be leaving Heathrow at 7.20 pm on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays.

Government has announced its intention to ban the importation of used clothes and shoes. Trade minister Juma Ngasongwa said the aim was to boost local industry; it was degrading to depend on foreign used clothes when Tanzania had its own textile industries -Guardian.

The Temeke Municipal Council in Dar es Salaam has authorised Shillings
5.5 million to buy a gold chain for its mayor. Most of the councillors agreed except the one from CUF who said that municipal schools were in a pathetic condition and often 100 pupils were packed into one classroom without desks. The money should have been used for schools.

422 out of the 499 rare gold and yellow Kihansi toads which were sent to American zoos because they were facing extinction in the Kihansi Gorge because of the hydroelectric power project, have died due to lung worms. However, they have reproduced twice resulting in 348 offspring. Numbers at Kihansi had dropped from about 10,000 to only 100.

President Mkapa has decided to divide Arusha region, the largest in the country, into two separate administrative parts -one to be called ‘Arusha’ and the other ‘Rift Valley’. This will bring the total number of regions in Tanzania to 26 (including five in Zanzibar).

OBITUARIES

The CHEIF SHEIKH, Mufti Hemed bin Jumaa bin Hemed, died in the Intensive Care Unit of the Muhimbili National Hospital on April 8. The National Muslim Council of Tanzania (BAKWATA) said a special prayer and President Mkapa led mourners at the funeral in Tanga.

“It is with sadness, I am writing to inform you that my husband, ANTHONY GILBERT SHORT (83) died on 30th September, 2001. He and his first wife Jean, who died in 1989, spent about 20 years in Tanzania during the 1950s and 1960s living in Urambo and latterly in Dar Salaam. Tony went out initially to work on the ill-fated ground scheme and later helped to develop an African settlement scheme. He was a supporter of Julius Nyerere’s independence movement and was elected as MP for Tabora in the transition Parliament” -letter from Mrs Joan M Short.

REVIEWS

We welcome to Tanzanian Affairs in this issue our new Reviews Editor. He is John Cooper-Poole who took Modern History at Oxford and then, after a Short Service Commission in the Royal Artillery, worked in the National Health Service in Britain. He was a Senior Hospital Secretary at a new referral hospital in Mwanza from 1970 to 1975 and a Hospital Development Co-ordinator in the Overseas Development Administration in London working in the Southern Regions Health Project from 1979 to 1986. He has held other posts in Nigeria, Botswana and the Caribbean .

We are also fortunate that Professor Marion Doro has kindly agreed to review for us American books and journals dealing with Tanzania. She is Professor emerita of Government at Connecticut College, New London, USA and has taught and done research frequently in East Africa. She was Professor of Political Science at the University of Dar es Salaam in 1995 and a UN Election Monitor in the October 1995 elections Editor.


SEVENTEEN LETTERS TO TATHAM -A WORLD WAR I SURGEON IN EAST AFRICA
. Ann Crichton -Harris. Keneggy West, Toronto. 2001. 231 pages and 36 illustrations.

In 1993 Ann Crichton-Harris was given a bundle of letters written by her grandfather, Dr (Edward) Temple Harris to his brother Tatham. Sixteen of these were written while Temple was serving in the Indian Army Medical Service in the 1914-18 war. The letters were clearly private ones, not intended for publication, but they gave a fascinating insight into the difficulties, dangers and (often) boredom of the military campaigns in East Africa. Temple gives a graphic description of the disastrous sea-borne attack on Tanga in November 1914, when the German defenders routed a far larger Anglo/Indian force. After the British withdrew he stayed behind to care for the wounded, but was repatriated to Kenya two days later under the terms of a local armistice.

The letters are particularly valuable for the light they throw on the stalemate throughout 1915, when the British generals were forbidden to mount any major attack (for fear of another Tanga-like defeat) and the Germans constantly harassed the vital Mombassa-Nairobi railway. Temple was stationed just north of the German East Africa frontier at Maktau, a bleak outpost surrounded by thornbush and regularly attacked by German patrols. It was a great relief when General Smuts took command in February 1916 and ordered a general advance into German East Africa. Temple, now Senior Medical Officer in the 1 st East Africa Brigade, reached Taveta (near Moshi) in March, Korogwe in August and Dar es Salaam in September 1916, when he proudly wrote to Tatham on captured German paper headed “Kaiserliches Bezirksamt”

Although extremely modest about his own exploits, there can be no doubt about Temple Harris’s bravery and dedication ~ he was three times “Mentioned in Despatches” and was awarded the Distinguished Service Order (DSO) in June 1917.

After the war he resumed his duties with the Indian Medical Service and was posted as Surgeon to Rangoon Jail. He died of enteric fever near Mandalay in 1927. Ann Crichton Harris is clearly disappointed that her grandfather did not give more details of the military campaign or of his medical duties, and in supplementing his account she is at times in danger of losing the wood (Temple’s letters) for the trees (memoirs of the German commander von Lettow-Vorbeck, the British Intelligence officer, Captain Meinertzhagen et al.). However William Boyd (An Ice Cream War) in his preface rightly describes the book as a “fascinating and beguiling account” and I warmly commend it, especially to those not too familiar with this important phase of the early history of what is now Tanzania.
John Sankey

ZANZIBAR STYLE. Over 200 Photographs by Javed Jafferji, Text by Gemma Pitcher. Gallery Publications (Zanzibar & London) 2001 pp174. Price £29.95. For BTS members £25 + £4 p&p

Javed Jafferji and his family are whole-heartedly engaged in the generation of contemporary culture on Zanzibar, and by association, on all the Swahili coast. Javed is clearly a talented photographer and efficient publisher who appears to be the catalyst for many of the Gallery’s productions, such as “Swahili Coast” the “international travel magazine to promote ecotourism in Tanzania” (from 1998, current issue 08) and the re-printing of vintage photographs and texts that convey the Isles’ plural heritage and evoke nostalgia.

The books authored by Mr Jafferji range from the general “Images of Zanzibar”(1996) and “Tanzania African Eden” (2000) to the particular “Zanzibar Stone Town: an Architectural Exploration” (1998), text by Prof. Abdul Sheriff, a fine quality pocket-size book with a good balance between photographs and informed text -my declared favourite. The mid-range focus of his compendium “Zanzibar Style” written with Gemma Pitcher concerns the Isles’ architecture and interior design which is claimed to be a distinctive compound style. Indeed ” … Zanzibar involves getting to know not just one culture but several, all so closely intertwined that the joins between them are invisible” (P12)

The co-authors boldly set out five kinds of “Zanzibar Style” by characteristic components, also termed “Style” (“influence” is preferable) with sub sections for Details. For example “Swahili Style” has “Details” referring to “Textiles” (e.g. the widespread khanga), “Baraza”, “Tinga Tinga” (painting style of a long established mainland co-operative that has expanded its production to ocean themes) and “Games” (e.g. the ubiquitous bao). Ouch: in my reckoning, the only “Detail” that is a distinctive Swahili characteristic is the “Baraza” as depicted in the photos as an entry way, stone bench (P 45).

The other four components of Zanzibar Style are “Indian”, Omani “Sultan’s”, European “Colonial” and “Land and Sea”. The latter comprises non-urban local people at work and ocean-side resorts, many of which feature staggeringly tall, woven roofs which would benefit from description beyond the material “makuti”: how are they fabricated? As well, no mention is made of similar, fantastic structures along the Kenya section of the Swahili coast, indicating these pavilions are a characteristic of eco-tourist architecture. Additionally, it is a little odd that well over half the photographs show hotel subject matter -like still life’s -with no visual reference to a living tourist or a commercial dhow, the long­standing cultural symbol.

Nonetheless, this book meets its own objective to provide “a glimpse into the glamorous world of “Zanzibar Style” found in the places where tourists or foreigners would visit or stay. The post-script is a list of Contact Addresses for nineteen hotels, rather than a Reference List of books to support the search for an actual Zanzibar Style. This fact suggests the reviewer might well have come from the tourist trade rather than from African art history. But, it is my task and so I take this opportunity to remind readers of the continued under-development of visual art studies in Tanzania, if not all of Africa. In this regard, Gallery Publications, and especially Javed Jafferji, have already made a huge contribution in their documentation of Zanzibari culture and the growth of eco-tourism. They have done no less than create a new generation of Imagery.
Elsbeth Court

NATURE NOTES FROM TANZANIA. Anne Outwater. Mkuki na Nyota, 6 Muhonda Street, Mission Quarter, Kariokoo, P.O.Box 4246, Dar es Salaam. ISBN 9976973748.

What would you expect from a book on Tanzanian wildlife with only 123 pages? In this book life emerges from every page. You can see and hear and feel the creatures in each little scene, and smell them too. Originally published as nature notes in the Daily News, Mtanzania, Kakakuona and the East African, they are here collected in one small volume, 52 episodes, set out month by month.

Anne Outwater’s book combines observation with beautiful prose and meticulous drawing. Each episode depicts in words the details of an intimate scene. It is the words that make the picture, and in each spread is an exquisite pen and ink drawing of a particular animal, leaf, or flower, to complement the text. The page layout is beautifully balanced and credit should be given to Petra’s Maridadi Ltd who designed it.

In one episode a chameleon crosses the road and climbs onto a branch; in another a flock of fruit bats waits in ficus, mango and albizia trees, but not passively, for nightfall; in another Guttural Toads attempt to breed in a puddle which will dry up in a few days -a feat that this species can often achieve by its amazing rate of development -eggs laid one evening will hatch the next morning.

As the weeks go by we visit grassland and forests, pools and rivers, beaches, mangrove swamps and coral reefs. The 52 locations are dotted about the country and islands, but mainly in the north east and around Dar es Salaam. In most of these visits there are just one or two creatures which catch our attention: one time it will be buzzards, another molluscs, another bush babies, another flying termites and their predators. Although much drawn to the smaller creatures, Anne Outwater does also take us to see a buffalo herd, hippos, crocodiles and elephants, and one night she leaves us alarmingly near a leopard in the dark.

The Illustrations, drawn by the author, are scientifically precise and artistically deeply satisfying. She is a master of stippling and other shading techniques. The book includes a list of the English, Swahi1i, and Scientific names of all the plants and animals mentioned. There is a reference list of fifty two books, twenty six of which are specific to east African wildlife, published since 1980. Anne Outwater is an American, resident in Tanzania.
John Leonhardt.

ZANZIBAR IN CONTEMPORARY TIMES, Robert Nunez Lyne, Zanzibar: Gallery, 2001 (1905)
SOWING THE WIND, Maulid M. Raj, Zanzibar: Gallery, 2001 Gallery Publications, PO Box 3181, Zanzibar or 32 Deanscroft Avenue London

Despite being written almost a century apart, these two books share more than the same publisher. They are both characterized by a deep love of Zanzibar, a sympathetic portrait of the British project, and penetrating insights into the salient social and political forces of their respective periods. Of course, the forces described by Raj and Lyne assume their relevance in widely different contexts: Raj describes Pemba in the period leading up to Independence in 1963; Lyne’s book is concerned with the history of the British in Zanzibar from 1798 up to the period when he lived there -1905. The very personal relationship that both authors share with Zanzibar and its administration yields a unique and fascinating perspective on events. It also obscures the more objective analysis of the historical record. Nevertheless, both texts are required reading for anyone interested in the history of Zanzibar and, by extension, the contemporary politics of the Isles.

The current political scene in Zanzibar has been dominated since 1995 by the dispute between the Civic United Front (CUF) and the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi -Party of the Revolution -(CCM). To many this conflict is the modem reincarnation of the divisions that existed at the time of the revolution between the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP), the forerunner of CCM, and the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), the historical precursor of CUF. The dominant interpretation is that the British forced the Sultans of Zanzibar to end the slave trade without deposing them outright, using them as a proxy for British imperial interests. According to this view, at the time of independence the British tried to rig the elections so that the pro-Sultan ZNP would win, and ensure the endurance of British influence in the Isles.

Both books challenge this version of events by showing the tenuous nature of not only British control of the Sultan and his administration but more importantly, the limited purchase that the Sultan himself had on the population of the Isles. The most stunning example is the endless battle against the slave trade in the Indian Ocean.

The incredible history of attempts to suppress the slave trade is synthesized in Lyne’s book through primary evidence from the archives of the Foreign Office, the India Office and the Admiralty. Through the wealth of correspondence and anecdote emerges a picture of an almost impossible struggle. There are tales of Captains who sail in the opposite direction upon sighting a slaver to avoid the legal proceedings inherent in capturing a slave ship. Rogue slavers raise the French flag to prevent British crews from boarding them, while the French consul refuses to permit British policing of nominally French ships. Yankee slavers fire on the British, while Arab slavers run from them and on more than one occasion, British crew are killed trying to board suspect ships. The intricate politics of securing diplomatic agreements from Persia and then Oman as well as Zanzibar are related in detail, together with the political implications within the British empire of transferring the responsibility for East African shipping from the Indian government to the Imperial one in London.

The struggle lasted a full century and encompassed the policing of shipping, the 1845 treaty, the closure of the market in Zanzibar in 1873 and the abolition of the status of slavery in 1897. Even at the turn of the century, slaves were still being smuggled up the coast from Bagamoyo to the Gulf, either on land or by small boats. The Arabs of Pemba and Zanzibar -“semi-independent chiefs” (106) -had only submitted to the Sultan’s rule after General Mathews’ harsh retribution for the murder, in 1881, of Captain Brownrigg who died in pursuit of slavers. Previously the feudal chiefs had run their estates free from the Sultan’s interventions, with British actions merely inconveniencing their livelihood. According to Lyne, slaving continued through the turn of the century in Pemban waters. The Sultan was thus only recently in full autocratic control and even then purely as a result of British military power.

Such military power did not necessarily yield complete social control over the population. One of the triumphs of Lyne’s book is to show the slowly evolving relationship between the Sultans, the British and the other European powers, particularly the Germans. What began as a game in which the British consul was a pawn in the power politics of the Omani empire in the Indian Ocean ended in a reversal of fortune. Over time, the Sultan came to rely increasingly on the protection of the British, who cleverly exploited factions within the ruling family to assert control over the Sultan. However, by focusing on high politics, Lyne cannot give a sense of life under British administration. Instead, he gives us chapters at the end of the book on ‘The People,’ The Climate,’ and ‘The Plantation,’ as well as detailed figures in the appendices of trade deficits, shipping records, population, customs revenues, soil types, rainfall and crop yields. There are brief glimpses of the impact of British policies on Zanzibaris: Lyne describes the enduring difficulty of the manumission of slaves: apparently it was common to hear men say, “I want work; I am a slave of the government.” (162) Freed men, seeing no profitable distinction in their legal status, merely styled themselves slaves of another master. In the more remote areas of Pemba and Southern Unguja it appears that the situation changed slowly if at all since the request or the granting of freedom was voluntary and administrative control could only be achieved with a police force in tow.

Raj’s book on the other hand is full of rich description of everyday life as well as the machinations of the ZNP party in the run up to independence. There are wonderful stories of night fishing, parties of the young elite’s, and one unforgettably vivid passage about a bullfight. Raj himself is a visitor to Pemba from Unguja Island and his ignorance of local customs and manners is a useful entree for the reader into Pemban peculiarities such as the value of chickens and the tacit acceptance of smuggling.

In fact the administration’s half-hearted attempt to control smuggling is a fascinating insight into the roots of the disagreements that continue to structure Pemba’s relations with the Zanzibar and mainland governments. The young elite’s in the British administration perform their duties, but only investigating on days when they know that the smugglers will not be there or only after tipping off the guilty party. They cannot afford to alienate the powerful merchants and their friends in the government.

Raj’s story of the political developments of that time are less disinterested and suffer, at times, from such obvious bias that, for anyone familiar with the history of the period, it becomes tedious. Nevertheless, the familiar lament from ZNP members of the time about the treachery of the ASP party is related here with first hand information that does raise questions about the interpretation of the Revolution. Raj hints at the complicity of the British and Americans and gives an eyewitness rendering of the split within the ZNP that led to the creation of the Umma party. If the British were indeed on the side of the ZNP why did they not intervene during the revolution? Was the violent takeover really the idea of the ASP? And, why did the Umma party split with the ZNP to ally with what they had earlier caned ‘stooges of imperialism’?

These questions are perhaps only of interest to aficionados of Zanzibar history and the conspiracy theorists who continue to speculate about the origins of the Revolution. The beauty of Raj’s book is exactly the opposite: it is an entertaining and accessible personal history. It may well serve as an introduction into the politics of the revolution, but it is equally readable for its compelling characters, charming stories and loving description of Pemba before 1963. Lyne’s book though, is more self­consciously scientific in nature and therefore more appropriate for an academic audience interested in the history of the nineteenth century Indian Ocean or the ethnography of Zanzibar at the turn of the twentieth. Indeed, for either purpose it is probably indispensable.
Ben Rawlence

THE FLAGS CHANGED AT MIDNIGHT. Tanganyika’s Progress to Independence. Michael Longford. Gracewing. 459 pages. ISBN 0852445512.

This book must surely be one of the most candid and comprehensive Colonial service memoirs ever published. The greatest compliment my first District Commissioner, Donald Flatt, could pay to any of his colleagues was to describe him as a “straight up and down chap”, and the author, Michael Longford is a “straight up and down chap” par excellence, who always calls a spade a “spade” and occasionally a “bloody shovel”!

Nothing is too important or too insignificant to escape his eagle eye, as he frankly but sympathetically assesses the foibles of his fellow human beings like some latter day colonial Samuel Pepys or Horace Walpole. His career was unusual, in that his eleven years as a District Officer in Tanganyika from 1951-62 was but the prelude to a distinguished career in the Home Civil Service in the 21 years that followed, from 1962-83, giving him a better perspective than that of most of his peers. Above all he was blessed with a wife -Jennifer, a teacher at the Tabora African Girls’ Secondary School, whom he married in 1956, and who shared his ideals and love of Africa. The fact that she was also the step daughter of a great Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, was neither here nor there … After 3 years or so in the Rungwe and Iringa Districts of the Southern Highlands Province and a few months at Mtwara in the Southern Province 1951-55, when the author vividly describes the varied and fascinating life of a District Officer; for a wonderful year, April 1955­April 1966, he is appointed Private Secretary to His Excellency the Governor, Sir Edward Twining, to whom he became absolutely devoted. The author achieved the rare distinction of not only passing the Higher Standard Ki-Swahili exam, but also obtaining interpreterships in two tribal languages -Ki-Hehe and Ki-Nyamwezi -a very real asset in dealing with the people entrusted to his care.

His spell at Government House Dar es Salaam gave him the opportunity to survey the wider political scene of the Territory as a whole in the run­up to independence, and he always accompanied the Governor, Sir Edward Twining, on his colourful progress throughout the vast country. Better still, he met and fell in love with his future bride while spending Christmas 1955 at the Governor’s delightful lodge at Lushoto in the cool Usambara mountains. He amusingly describes the desperate antics of Dar es Salaam social climbers anxious to secure invitations to Government House to meet H.R.H. Princess Margaret during her forthcoming state visit in October 1956.

The book is beautifully produced and lavishly illustrated by a profusion of evocative photographs, and delightful woodcuts by Stephen Goddard. A contemporary of the author, I must confess to wallowing in nostalgia, as the ghosts of the past drift through the pages of this delightful book, which I strongly commend to anyone remotely interested in the African Continent or the human condition.
Randal Sadleir

Michael Longford’s book will certainly evoke many nostalgic memories for an older generation. But it also gives a valuable insight into the way the country was administered under the British Mandate, which will be of value to a much wider readership. ~ reviews ed.

PASTIMES AND POLITICS: CULTURE, COMMUNITY AND IDENTITY IN POST -ABOLITION URBAN ZANZIBAR
, 1890-1945 Laura Fair. Ohio University Press and James Currey. 2001. 370 pp.

The fate of freed slaves and other urban immigrants and their descendants in Zanzibar is told from the refreshing perspective of popular culture ­taarab music, fashion, football and Islamic ceremony. Instead of just delving into the often dreary records that usually inform political history, the author enlivens them with the texts of songs and stories and the spirit of sports. The result? You will close this book feeling that you have lived in post-slavery Zanzibar, in a community forged by real people of widely diverse religions, races and ethnicities whose politics rose from daily struggles for survival against poverty and unjust authority. This is history as it should be written ~ it integrates political, economic and social elements.

To assert one’s class status as citizen, no longer slave, one could select a new identity by donning a kanzu or colorful khanga, or a buibui in the Arab (Omani) mode. In the words of the author, as former slaves ‘changed classes and fabricated new identities they also changed their clothes’. For men, football provided an additional means to develop sources of power. Men and women could become property owners, but it was the women who faced up to the authorities. ‘The land is ours. Why should we pay rent?’ freed slaves asked. In 1928 the ‘maskini’ sought an end to advancing private ownership of land by staging a ground rent strike. Reporting a march to Kibweni palace, where three-fourths of the protesters were women, a colonial official found the men ‘perfectly reasonable’ (they were willing to halt the demonstration) but accused the women of ‘hysterical obstinacy’ because they insisted on their community’s rights.

Siti Binti Saad, a child of slaves who became ‘the most acclaimed musician in Swahili history’ personifies the author’s central theme of ‘the often dramatic transformations in personal identities that were negotiated in post-abolition island society’ and how popular culture furthered that transformation. Siti’s lyrics spoke from a working class, female perspective, giving ‘voice to the voiceless’. She sang about corruption, greed, class and gender, criticizing economic and political power, as British administrators, magistrates and Islamic judges ‘favoured the wealthy’ and ‘further institutionalized gender inequality’ . Siti (,lady’) and her taarab band played and sang as regularly for the Sultan and other elites as for the poor; 72,000 copies of their recording were sold by 1931. They recognized and praised the contributions of all cultural groups on the island, helping forge a collective ‘zanzibari identity’ that would not begin to erode until World War H.

“Pastimes and Politics” has endnotes, glossary, and bibliography of both primary and secondary sources.
Margaret Snyder

TANZANIA AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY -FROM REFORMS TO SUSTAINED GROWTH AND POVERTY REDUCTION. Washington, DC: World Bank Country Study, 2001.
Report No. 22136. ISBN 0-8213-4941-4

This report focuses on the post-1996 ‘Country Economic Memorandum’, and features both positive and negative factors in Tanzania’s fight against ignorance, poverty and disease. Agriculture continues to be the main base of the economy with its subsequent susceptibility to unexpected crises. However, various macroeconomic policy reforms have served to stabilize the economy, decrease inflation and increase foreign reserves. Nevertheless, the economy continues to grow slowly. Factors causing these negative outcomes include insufficient capital accumulation and insufficient support for transforming agriculture, and “delayed demographic transition”. However, on the positive side the researchers found that there is steady progress toward a market-based economy, with the effect of creating space for a viable private sector that has the potential for sustainability. Topics include structural reforms, inflation rates, demographic transition, education and health care, income distribution, and export development.
Marion E Doro

TANZANIA: IS THE UGLY DUCKLING FINALLY GROWING UP? Arne Bigsten and Anders Danielson. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala. A report for the OECD. pp1l7. ISBN 91 7106 474 5. Africa Book Centre, London or Transaction Publishers, Somerset NJ, USA.

There have been significant steps forward during the 1990’s and there is some basis for optimism, but there is a long way to go before seif­sustained growth is established. Bureaucracy and poor infrastructure impede progress, and a multiplicity of externally initiated projects ties up recurrent costs and manpower. The mechanism for channelling aid needs to be changed in order to return authority, control, and accountability to the recipient country.
J. Cooper-Poole

ONCE INTREPID WARRIORS: GENDER, ETHNICITY, AND THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF MAASAI DEVELOPMENT. Dorothy L. Hodgson, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 2001. ISBN 025333909X 320pp. 16 black and white photo’s, 4 figs.

The author provides a systematic analysis of various aspects of the Maasai culture: its identity and ethnicity factors, questions about land, labor and education, and perhaps most significant, gender and gender relations. Dorothy Hodgson utilizes archival sources as well as extensive fieldwork, and demonstrates how the interaction amongst these several factors have affected their evolutionary development which appears to be a dynamic one. Although government officials tended to promote continuation of the Maasai’s pastoral tradition and life style, their access to development produced new gender hierarchies, positive responses to forces of modernization, and changing attitudes toward education and local as well as national politics. In short, Hodgson’s work depicts the Maasai as a responsive, modernizing force rather than earlier characterizations -indeed, in retrospect, caricatures –which described them as fixed in their ways and immune to change. The author profiles five Maasai men and women in ways that reveal how their responses to external interventions modernized traditional behaviour and preserved a new identity.
Marion E Doro

KALAMBO FALLS PREHISTORIC SITE. VOLUME 3: THE EARLIER CULTURES: MIDDLE AND EARLIER STONE AGE
. Ed. l. Desmond Clark Cambridge University Press. 2001. ISBN 0521200717.
This final report on the local basin in the Kalambo River valley near the famous Falls on the Zambian-Tanzanian border ranks among the most significant sites of man’s earliest activities in Africa. It records the successive human occupation for 60,000 years, and covers a series of cultural finds such as wood, vegetable remains, charcoals and pollens associated with undisturbed prehistoric camping places. Fourteen chapters and five appendices, deal with topics ranging from palynological data from Kalambo Falls, to the archaeological culture of the Falls. Contributors include l. Desmond Clark, who writes seven of the Chapters, as well as other authors of note such as David Taylor and Derek A Roe.
Marion E Doro

VILIMANI; Labor Migration and Rural Change in Early Colonial Tanzania. Thaddeus Sunseri. Heinemann, US.A and James Currey, Oxford. Pp xxvi, 223. ISBN 0852556489
The author is Associate Professor of History at Colorado State University, and this is a new title in the Social History in Africa series. Professor Sunseri tells us that “Vilimani” means “at the coast” as well as “in the hills”. It was the reply given to anyone enquiring where the men were at villages which appeared to be inhabited mainly by women and children and the very old.

Professor Suseri starts by examining the German industrial background to colonialism, in particular the drive to find an alternative source of raw cotton to the US.A The resulting “plantation imperative” dominated the early years in Tanganyika. Finding enough labour for the plantations was a continual problem, and the efforts to create a suitable labour force on the north east coast and its hinterland are examined in detail. The many competing demands for labour enabled the workers to have considerable control over the terms on which they would work on plantations. The author then moves south to the Rufiji delta to examine the effect of German conservation and economic policies on traditional farmers. These, which had complex and unpredictable effects, formed the background to the Maji Maji uprising.

The continual difficulty of finding enough labour for the plantations led policy makers, from about 1902, to concentrate on encouraging peasants to grow cotton on their own plots. This was unpopular, because it interfered with the peasants’ own priority of food self sufficiency. Many of them therefore tried to move to more remote areas. It was the women, in the absence of the men, many of whom had moved away as migratory labourers, who were responsible for subverting the peasant cotton campaign, and the way the Wanyamwezi women did so is examined in detail.

There are some nice little sub-plots, such as the story of the traction engines on the Otto plantation at Kilosa, which sounds like a dress rehearsal for the Groundnuts Scheme! We also learn about the problems of excessive numbers of wild pigs which resulted from the forest protection laws.

The study focuses closely on the local effects of what was a general problem in all new colonial territories -how to obtain enough labour for all the new requirements arising from European settlement, without unduly disrupting traditional societies and patterns of economic self sufficiency. It will be of interest to the historian as well as to those who have known the country and its people. The limitation of such a closely focussed approach is that it ignores the wider context which might be of more interest to the general reader.

Bitter experience teaches that “Social” histories often torture the language. This is not so in this case, apart from some uncomfortable jolts, such as “commodification”, “peasantization” and -wait for it -“re­peasantization” .
J.Cooper-Poole


AIDS, SEXUALITY AND GENDER IN AFRICA: THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES
. Carolyn Baylies, London: Routledge, 2201. ISBN 1841420271. Pp 248.
This in-depth study is based on primary evidence and extensive investigations by British researchers in Zambia and Tanzania. Its major focus is on the gender factors in the struggle against AIDS. This is a unique and informative study highlighting the difficulties which African women cope with and describes the unique strengths they muster in their struggle against AIDS. Nine contributors provide a range of topics that create a useful comparative analysis of the problem. Topics include: perspectives on gender and AIDS in Africa generally; responses to the AIDS epidemic in specific areas of both Tanzania and Zambia-e.g., Rungwe, Kanyama, and Lushoto; gendered and generational struggles in AIDS prevention; reconciling individual costs and collective benefits; and modes of activism in Dar es Salaam. A timely study that adds dimensions to the understanding of gender and AIDS with original and well researched evidence.
Marion E Doro

SOME BOOKS AND ARTICLES OF NOTE:

EMPOWERMENT THROUGH LANGUAGE: The African Experience -Tanzania and Beyond. Zaline M. Roy-Campbell. Africa World Press, 2001. ISBN 0865437645. Focus on language policy in Tanzania; political aspects of Swahili language; language and education in Tanzania and Africa.

ENGENDERING AND GENDERING AFRICAN NATIONALISM: RETHINKING THE CASE OF TANGANYIKA, Susan Geiger, Social Identities, 5,3, 1999,331-343.

NYERERE: STUDENT, TEACHER, HUMANIST, STATESMAN. Eds: Tom Moloney and Kenneth King. Occasional Studies 84. Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh. Pp. 100. £5.50.

TANZANIA MAINLAND: MEDIA, LAW AND PRACTICE. No. 13 in the Media Law and Practice series. Article 19. 2000. pp 27 £5.50. Available from Africa Book Centre.
JULIUS NYERERE. THE ETHICAL FOUNDATION OF HIS LEGACY. C. Pratt. Round Table 355. July 2000. pp. 9.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

JENERALI ULIMWENGU
I am sending you a copy of ‘Pambazuka News 54, The Electronic Newsletter for Social Justice in Africa’. Assuming the information to be correct I find the contents very disturbing…… It is the sort of thing that happens when people in power seek to maintain their hold on power at all costs…. Is it in fact legally possible for this to be done in Tanzania?

Ralph Ibbott, Convenor, BTS Scottish Members

Extracts from the Pambazuka News editorial: ‘Jenerali Ulimwengu, journalist, activist and an example of committed citizenship, has been rendered stateless by the Tanzanian government in a move that is clearly motivated as a means of silencing an individual who has been brave enough to expose corruption and scandals of leading individuals in the government…. Jenerali has been a prominent member of Tanzanian civil society, having served as an active member of the ruling TANU and CCM parties. He was a member of CCM’s National Executive Committee from 1992 to 1997. All those who know him speak of his courage in expressing critical, yet constructive stances against those who sought to oppress the disadvantaged…… There can be little doubt that Ulimwengu has been denied citizenship because of his Pan Africanist, patriotic and progressive politics above factionalism and unscrupulous partisanship….. .’ The article goes on to compare the greatness of the Nyerere era which was said to have transformed the nature of citizenship from an attribute of groups considered indigenous to that of individuals with a residence in and membership of the political community called Tanzania… ‘This was why the denial of citizenship went beyond the injury being done to one individual.. .. We urge all readers of Pambazuka News …. to make their voices heard by writing to the government to protest. ‘

(During recent weeks the case of Jenerali Ulimwengu has been taken up by many other organisations and individuals. Amongst these are the CUF opposition party, 140 lecturers at the University of Dar es Salaam and various NGO’s. Jenerali Ulimwengu is Chairman of the Habari Corporation which publishes Mtanzania, Rai, Dimba and ‘The African’ newspapers. He was at one time a district commissioner and later an MP. In 1995 he took part in drafting a Bill designed to control corruption. Jenerali Ulimwengu also presented a Dar es Salaam TV programme on the day of the Zanzibar disturbances in January 2001 which shocked many viewers by showing scenes of police brutality.

The government has stated that the rejection of Mr Ulimwengu’s application for citizenship has nothing to do with his criticism of the government and that applications for citizenship from some 50 people were rejected last year. He “did not fulfil the laid down Tanzania laws and regulations” ­Editor}.

THE VILLAGE MUSEUM
I was very pleased to read the article about the Village Museum entitled “And now we feel secure enough” by Colin Hastings in your last issue. However, I fear the article may give readers a slightly misleading impression which I hope you will find space to correct. The map is, in fact, quite new, having been painted recently by Fabien Limo, the Display Officer of the National Museum. Far from being “hidden away in an empty room” it was, in fact, displayed on the wall of the Assistant Curator’s office. There are no “empty rooms” at the Museum -space is in too short supply! When Colin visited, the map was not on open display merely for lack of a suitable place. However, the map now has pride of place in a new display area where it has been much commented on and much photographed. One other string thing struck me as odd in Colins’s article -the comment from Tatah Mlola that Tanzanians only now feel secure enough to talk about their different cultural roots. The Village Museum was set up in Nyerere’s time (1964) and only a short distance from his home, with the express purpose of enabling Tanzanians to celebrate the diversity of their cultures. This is what the museum has always stood for (its curators are social anthropologists trained at a the University of Dar es Salaam under Nyerere) and this is what it continues to do so effectively, as I witnessed not only on a daily basis, but when over 5,000 people descended on the museum during last September’s amazing Wasukuma Cultural Festival. The museum’s traditional houses (now renovated and with additions bringing them to a total of 18) illustrate the different ways of life of tribes and ethnic groups from right across Tanzania. For locals and tourists alike, they are a unique resource. In Dar es Salaam, at least, Cultural Tourism starts here!

Richard Wood, Education Volunteer,
The Village Museum, July-December 2001

CAN YOU HELP?

I would be grateful if you would print the following request in the next issue of Tanzanian Affairs. You have a deservedly wide circulation, and I’m sure that our ready pool of readers will include someone who can shed light on this appeal:
Dr Clyde Binfield, Associate Professor of History at Sheffield University is researching “two decidedly remarkable characters” and would be glad to correspond with anyone who may have known them. He writes about the Rt. Rev. Neil Russell (1906 ­82) and his first cousin, Dr Leader Sterling. Bishop Russell was an Anglo-Catholic who became a (Suffragen?) Bishop of Zanzibar and had a genius for evading authority -not even becoming a Bishop cured him of that. He was a Scottish Episcopalian, whose father was a much-admired Congregational minister who had served in India and who became minister of the King’s Weigh House church in London. Bishop Russell’s somewhat quirky ancestry may have influenced his character to the end of his life; he did not enjoy his retirement with his order in Scotland and returned to Tanzania in 1982 to a parish at Makuyuni where he died. His cousin, Leader Sterling, also of firm Congregational stock, qualified as a medical doctor and went to Tanzania as a High Church missionary. He later joined the Roman Catholics there, and wrote three books about his work. He was twice married, each time to an African nurse. The story is told that he was summoned to see the President, and on going with some trepidation, was made Minister of Health!
Dr Binfield’s address is 22 Whiteley Wood Road, Sheffield Sll 7 FE.
M G Stokell Hon. Treasurer and Trustee, Tanzania Development Trust

THE GROUNDNUT SCHEME
I am an old ‘groundnutter’ (1946-1951) and find that in various clubs I get asked to give talks on the groundnut scheme which I do with difficulty. Have you any idea as to where I can obtain some photoslides that I could project on screen to make the whole thing more interesting.
S G Carrington-Buck, 3 Glastenbury Drive, Bexhill on Sea TN 40 2NY.

TANZANIA AND TERRORISM

Hardly any country in the world remained untouched by the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on September 11 and Tanzania has been no exception. President Mkapa immediately sent Tanzania’s condolences to President Bush who replied on September 21: “On behalf of the American people I am grateful to you and the people of Tanzania for your kind expressions of condolence and concern …… ” Tanzania had been itself one of the first targets of Al Qaeda terrorism when the American Embassy was blown up with the death of 12 people on August 7 1998.

Signs of Muslim militancy have been growing gradually for several years in various parts of Tanzania, although they are still on a very small scale. There have been many reports in the local press of such militancy:

In mid-August a certain Rajabu Dibagulu was jailed for 18 months in Morogoro for offending the Christian community by issuing the inflammatory statement ‘Jesus is not God’. On August 24 groups of Muslims took to the streets of Dar es Salaam to protest just before a High Court judge declared the sentence invalid and released the prisoner. On September 1 there was a dispute at the Kwa Mtoro Mosque following an invasion by militant youths disputing its ownership. This followed threats by Muslim activists that they would invade churches when the government banned a demonstration they wanted to hold.

The Guardian reported that the police believed that small bomb explosions at the CCM subhead office and a CCM branch office at Kariakoo, Dar es Salaam were due to Muslim radicals. 17 people were arrested. “The fight has just begun” President Mkapa said on August 30 when he visited the affected CCM party offices. “We are hunting them down” he said.

After the New York events Majira reported (September 14) that, while watching the dramatic images on TV some people in Zanzibar were seen celebrating. Others were wearing American T-shirts indicating their support for the victims. But at the famous joint known as Joe’s Corner in Mkunazini, youths were dancing and cheering. One of them was heard saying, “Let the international policemen also have a taste of terrorism, after all Palestinians suffers from it everyday.”

On October 19 thousands of Muslims held a peaceful demonstration in Dar es Salaam to condemn US attacks on Afghanistan. They held placards praising Osama bin Laden and torched American flags. Mwananchi reported that there was a high security alert at the Bugando Hospital in Mwanza after the Director received a letter from the ‘Osama bin Laden Defence Squad’ saying that a bomb would go off on 10 October between 11 a.m. and 12 noon. There was no bomb. Another bomb scare was raised at a secondary school in Tanga when a telephone call was received from a ‘Bin Laden group.’ The police arrested some people for distributing seditious photographs of President Bush and bin Laden. Clerics at the Tungi Mosque in Temeke, Dar es Salaam were told, at a meeting to show solidarity with the Taliban, to prepare for the holy war (Jihad) declared by Afghanistan. One preacher, Sheikh Musa Kileo, quoted verses from the Koran saying that Islam was not a pacifist religion, nor a ‘turn­the-other-cheek’ religion. He asked who was prepared to ‘die for Islam’ and many among the congregation lifted their fingers. Another cleric, Sheikh Musa bin Issa said it was the duty of a Muslim to defend a fellow Muslim “irrespective of whether he has committed any crime or not.” On September 28 a message, said to be from the head of Taliban, Mullah Mohamed Omar, was circulating in city mosques. Written in Arabic with a Swahili translation, it urged Muslims all over the world to be ready for Jihad (holy war) against the ‘crusade declared by Bush.’ Majira reported on September 24 that two Muslims had appeared in Tabora Magistrate’s Court for claiming that they supported Osama and could blow up the State House. They were found with audiocassettes attacking Christianity. The Guardian reported on October 10 that branches of the Cooperative and Rural Development Bank in Dar had had to close for the afternoon after alleged threats to blow up the building. A food vendor on the other side of the street complained that some of his customers had fled without paying for the food they had eaten when word went around that a bomb was about to explode.

Meanwhile at a meeting of the Ahmadia Muslims at Mnazi Mmoja, reported in Mtanzania, Vice President Dr Ali Mohamed Shein commended the sect for advocating tolerance and peace among the population. Inspector General of Police Omari Iddi Mahita, addressing the 70th Interpol General Assembly in Budapest, Hungary was quoted as saying that it was unfortunate that Tanzania was considered to have been hosting some terrorist elements unknowingly. Some of them had been involved in the bombing of the US Embassy. He said the Tanzania Police Force supported all strategies geared to bringing the terrorists to justice. The US had sent a list of 50 suspected terrorists, but Director of Criminal Investigations Adadi Rajab said that none of them was resident in the country. On November 26 the East African reported that Zanzibar-born Ahmed Gailani, (otherwise known as ‘Ahmed the Tanzanian’, ‘Foopie’, ‘Fupi’ and ‘Al Tanzani’) was on a US list of the ten most wanted terrorists in connection with the Dar embassy bombing. The Bank of Tanzania was said to have circulated the full list to banks and financial institutions with instructions to freeze their accounts. There were numerous anthrax scares in various parts of the country but tests all proved negative. Minister of Health Anna Abdallah reported that letters containing powder had been sent to the Dar es Salaam Regional Commissioner and the Regional Police Commander and to an independent television radio presenter. She said that the letters were being mailed by mischievous individuals seeking to instil fear in other people. Two University staff members received a letter with powder from an Afghan refugee in Pakistan who was requesting assistance because of the on-going war in his country. The Tanzania Postal Service equipped its staff with masks and gloves.

TANZANITE AND TERRORISM
More sinister than much of the above were indications that the blue gem ‘Tanzanite’, which is found only in Tanzania and represents a major export market, might have been at the centre of an international network of money-laundering in the interests of AI Qaeda. The British Journal ‘Africa Confidential’ and the US newspaper ‘The Wall Street Journal’, quoting from much of the testimony in the trial oft he perpetrators of the bombings in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi (see Tanzanian Affairs No. 70) and other sources, described a widespread belief, not possible to confirm, that much of the Tanzanite goes from Mererani, near Arusha, where it is mined, first to Mombasa (a base for the 1998 US embassy bombers) without passing through customs, via Al Qaeda companies set up by a former personal secretary of Bin Laden (who is now serving a life sentence for organising the bombings) to Dubai, described as ‘a traditional smuggling port for India.’ Arusha Regional Mines Officer Alex Magyane was quoted as saying that links between Al Qaeda and the Tanzanite trade were continuing. Much of the trade was said to be conducted in the courtyard of a mosque at Mererani, near the prayer hall run by an Imam who recommended miners to sell to fellow Muslims, even if ‘infidels’ offered better prices. His Friday sermons were said to preach hatred of the USA and support for the Taliban regime. His followers called each other Jahidini (members of the Jihad). He had refused to discuss AI Qaeda but claimed that suicide attacks were legitimate in defending Islam.

In early December AFGEM, a South African company developing a large-scale Tanzanite mine in the Mererani mining area, expressed disappointment over the Wall Street Journal article because it had been skewed and it had been based largely on personal testimony, inferences and assumptions. The statement said that the mining and trading of Tanzanite was dominated by the Maasai, a small and peaceful tribe, rather than the Muslim fundamentalists referred to in the Wall Street Journal. The International Coloured Gemstone Association (ICA) agreed with AFGEM’s stand on the situation. In a press release issued on 27 November 2001, its President, Israel Z. Eliezri, voiced his frustration with the Journal for providing such a distorted picture of the trade. He noted that about 90% of the Tanzanite traders were members of the ICA, a reputable organisation committed to building up the integrity of the industry. The balance of non-ICA members were unlikely to be generating the millions of dollars mentioned by the Journal to fund AI Qaeda.

The Guardian (December 14) quoted the Nairobi-based ‘Africa Arise Worldwide’ as claiming that the AI Qaeda network was dealing with some rebel leaders in the Congo to smuggle diamonds and uranium to Dubai through Dar es Salaam and Nairobi. The Congo’s Ambassador to Tanzania was quoted as saying ”No one can wonder to hear that bin Laden is stretching his evil activities to the Congo where terrorists like him have been killing innocent people ….. for the past four years.”

COLLAPSE OF THE MARKET
The Tanzanian Mineral Dealers Association also denied that Al Qaeda was involved in the Tanzanite trade but some of the miners were quoted in the Guardian as saying that they had heard accounts of Tanzanite dealings with Al Qaeda members in the mid-1990’s. The Association complained that stories about Al Qaeda had damaged the US market for Tanzanite. Of some 80 mineral dealers in Mererani, most had had to close down as, after September 11, orders from America, which normally took 80% of the gems, collapsed and efforts to find new markets were only just beginning.

The results were said to be dire. The Guardian reported on November 22 that armed robbers in the Arusha Region had stolen some Shillings 300 million in just two weeks as a result of the drastic fall in prices of Tanzanite and the slump in the tourism sector. It quoted a figure of 100,000 young men having abandoned mining activities and losing their jobs in tourism. Over 1,100 tourists cancelled their reservation immediately after September 11. But Paris-based international gem dealer Paulo Fagundes told Tanzanian Affairs that he had been at the Munich Gem Fair in November and had not noticed any reduction in the price of Tanzanite on the European market. (For more details on what it is like to search for gemstones at Mererani see ‘Tanzania in the International Media’ below ­Editor).

MKAPA SCORES 90%

The Guardian (November 27) reported the results of a survey entitled ‘Attitudes to Democracy and Markets in Tanzania’ by specialists in the universities of Dar es Salaam, Cape Town and Michigan State.

President Mkapa scored 90% approval overall; 61% of the 2,198 adults surveyed expressed much satisfaction with his performance. The report said the President attained far more positive ratings than any other political leader, possibly because of his efforts at fighting official corruption in society. Three quarters were satisfied with the performance of their regional commissioners; two thirds with their local mayors or council chairmen; 58% with their MP’s and 52% with political parties generally. Zanzibar President Aman Karume scored only 54%. Only one quarter felt the government was doing a good job in reducing the gap between rich and poor.

CELEBRATIONS

The country celebrated 40 years of independence on 9th December. President Mkapa, addressing a large gathering at the National Stadium in Dar es Salaam said: “We have been independent for 40 years; it should not take us another 40 years to complete our independence by winning the war against poverty …. With determination, initiative and cooperation Tanzania can succeed in getting rid of poverty. The debt relief which Tanzania has obtained, the correct social and macro-economic policies being pursued as well as peace, stability, solidarity and natural resources constitute a firm basis upon which to accelerate the war on poverty” he said.

He pardoned 4,000 prisoners particularly those with HIV/Aids, cancer, TB, those above 60 years of age, and women who were pregnant or breast feeding. The President also reduced sentences on other prisoners by three months except for those serving for offences connected to illicit drugs, graft, banditry, rape, sodomy and cattle rustling – Guardian.

ZANZIBAR – A COMPREHENSIVE AGREEMENT

A comprehensive 52-page agreement (Muafaka) was signed on October 10, after eight months of negotiations, between the respective Secretaries General of the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, Philip Mang’ula and of the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) Seif Sharrif Hamad. The long standing political crisis in the isles has been explained in many issues of ‘Tanzanian Affairs’ since 1995 when the results of the elections in the Isles in that year were questioned by some observers. The situation was exacerbated when the 2000 elections were widely considered as having been rigged. Opposition dissatisfaction culminated in over 20 deaths during rioting on 26 and 27 January 2001 and the flight to Kenya of more than 2000 refugees. President Mkapa admitted that these events had been ‘a stain on the history of the nation’. After the signing, which was a happy and emotional event, donor agencies indicated that aid to Zanzibar would be resumed once the agreement was implemented.

THE AGREEMENT IN DETAIL
The agreement is comprehensive and responds to many but not all of CUF’s demands, including reform of the much criticised Zanzibar Electoral Commission, the introduction of a permanent register of eligible voters, a review of the existing constitution and electoral laws (by February 2002) to make them conform to a multi-party political system, fair coverage of both parties in publicly-owned media, and payment of compensation to those affected by earlier disturbances. CCM refused to accept CUF’s demand for a re-run of the 2000 elections but accepted that CUF would be involved in government affairs through the offer of ambassadorial posts and membership in various institutions. There would be by-elections in the 16 CUF constituencies which were declared vacant when CUF MP’s had been expelled following their boycott of proceedings in the House of Representatives. There would be an independent enquiry (to be concluded by April 2002) on the rioting. Talks regarding a possible coalition government were to start not later than June 2003 and would be held under a 10-person joint ‘Presidential Commission on Implementation and Monitoring’ to monitor implementation of the agreement. The precise powers of this commission are not clear but it does indicate a move towards sharing of power. After the signing of the agreement, 109 criminal cases related to January’s unrest including a murder charge against CUF Assistant Secretary General Juma Duni Haji, were dropped.

“FROM NOW ON I WILL SLEEP MORE SOUNDLY” – MKAPA
At the ceremony marking the occasion President Mkapa said: “This is a day of great pleasure and satisfaction to me personally. From now on I think I will sleep more soundly. For, it is true that the political crisis in Zanzibar has weighed heavily on my shoulders. The deaths that occurred in January 2001 in Unguja and Pemba (Tanzanian Affairs No 69) disturbed and saddened me greatly…. We were used to hearing of such deaths in other countries, not in ours. The decision of our fellow citizens to seek refuge outside the country also made me sad, and shamed our nation. We are used to receiving refugees, not creating refugees…. Our people expected too much from me in bringing this crisis to an end. Political parties, likewise, expected too much from me. High Commissioners and Ambassadors, and their Governments, all the time wanted me to do much more; sometimes without regard to constitutional requirements and the limits of my powers. But, more importantly, they forgot that one person couldn’t solve a crisis like this, unless he can make miracles, and I could not make miracles. The only miracle option I had was to revert to African traditions and ways of resolving conflicts, under which even before colonialism, our elders, when confronted by a major crisis, used ‘to sit under a tree’ discuss, listen to each side, weigh each argument, without regard to how long it took to reach an agreement. The overriding objective always was to reach consensus -a consensus that takes into account the concerns and interests of each side, a consensus in which there are no winners and no losers, a consensus that will be respected by each side, because each side considers itself part of the process and of the agreement reached; all sides professing equal rights and equal responsibilities. And this is what we did this time…. There were those who said the drawn out negotiations were only a CCM tactic to buy time. There were those who wanted to resort to violent shortcuts. But the top leadership of both CCM and CUF stood firm, guided by the African way of doing things, and continued to ‘sit under a tree,’ day after day, week after week, month after month, and today as the Kiswahili saying puts it: ‘They said it can’t happen; it has happened!’ I should like on this occasion to thank most heartedly the Secretaries General of CCM and CUF, Honourable Philip Mangula and Honourable Seif Shariff Hamad, together with their negotiating teams. They all did an excellent job; with great wisdom; guided by a sense of nationalism; and when they were ridiculed they did not pay attention, focussing instead on the ultimate goal, the goal that puts national interests first, and the goal of the restoration of peace, stability, dignity and integrity in national politics. I am deeply grateful to my fellow Tanzanians for their patience. As the Swahili proverb says: ‘It is he who is patient that eats the ripe fruit’….. Tanzania is a country for all Tanzanians and not for a group of people. CCM is part of today’s signed agreement and I myself as the president of the Union and CCM National Chairman, I promise to implement fully the agreement. … ”

Zanzibar President Amani Karume added that the signing of the agreement would be meaningless, if it were not fully implemented.” CUF National Chairman, Prof. Ibrahim Lipumba, said that both CCM and his party should forgive each other, but not forget the past. “Forgetting what happened in the past six years may lead us to repeat similar mistakes in the future” he said.

BRITAIN AND THE EU WELCOME THE PACT
The EU congratulated the leaders of the two parties in particular and Tanzania in general for showing determination to resolve their long­standing conflicts peacefully and said that it would increase its assistance to NGO’s on the isles. The British government also sent congratulations “This is wonderful news for all good friends of Tanzania. I pay tribute to the leadership of both CCM and CUF for their vision and courage” British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said in a statement issued by the British High Commission in Dar es Salaam. Most of the 2,000 refugees who had fled Zanzibar after the January clashes have returned to Zanzibar although a group of 103 reportedly arrived in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, from Kenya on October 6.

THEN A SETBACK
Amidst all the euphoria however, when it came to enactment of legislation to implement the agreement, problems arose. The East African reported that three clauses in the Agreement had been changed and others dropped. Zanzibar Attorney General Iddi Pandu Hassan said that the agreement had been signed between the political parties and that the Zanzibar Revolutionary Government had the right to examine the agreement if it felt that the security of the state was at stake.

The Guardian reported that he had deleted provisions allowing for discussions on the possible formation of a coalition government, and for regular monthly discussions with Zanzibar President Karume. Punishment for those who ‘distorted’ the agreement were apparently excluded from the Bill.

CUF’s reaction was swift. On November, 14 at its National Conference in Zanzibar attended by over 1,000 delegates (said to have been paid for, in the new spirit of amity, by the Government) Secretary General Seif Hamad indicated that CUF would withdraw from the agreement if these changes were made.

The Government then presented the Bill to the Zanzibar House of Assembly (which has only CCM members as the CUF MP’s had been expelled earlier for boycotting the proceedings) and it was passed. Minister of State in the Chief Minister’s Office, Salim Juma Othman said that the amendments made were very minor and were designed to facilitate successful implementation of the agreement and would not affect its substance. Earlier, the Chairman of the Judiciary, Constitution and Good Governance Committee of the House, Ali Juma Shamuhuna, said that the Revolutionary Council did not err in amending the accord because the amended sections interfered with the powers of the President of Zanzibar and were against the Zanzibar constitution. Empowering the CCM-CUF monitoring committee to imprison a person for one year or impose a fine of up to Shs 500,000 for blocking the accord interfered with the powers of the judiciary. The House of Representatives also did not have powers to pass laws concerning the Union. During the session many CCM MP’s called on the political parties to respect the amendments put forward by the Revolutionary Government because the accord had not been a legal document but a draft of suggestions by the two political parties.

As this issue of ‘Tanzanian Affairs’ went to press CUF Chairman Lipumba was reported to have threatened to call for a nationwide demonstration on January 27, 2002, the first anniversary of the riots in Zanzibar, and said that CUF would not recognise the Bill passed by the House. However, discussions between the parties were said to be continuing

ZANZIBAR NOW OFFERS 100% FOREIGN OWNERSHIP
Zanzibar President Amani Karume has announced lucrative packages for potential investors in the isles. He told senior executives and potential investors at a Commonwealth-Tanzania Investment Conference in Dar es Salaam that foreign investors would be allowed to establish business ventures with 100% ownership, “We shall continue to remove administrative and legislative barriers to foreign direct investment,” he said. He added however, that the Isles Government would like foreign investors to consider entering into partnership with domestic investors and mentioned hotels, transport, agriculture, fishing and communication as viable sectors. There would be exemptions of export duty for all goods, exemption of import duties or sales tax charged on machinery, equipment, spare parts, raw materials, and supplies necessary for investments. There would also be a 10 year tax holiday on dividends and exemption of income tax for an initial period of 10 years.

SIMBA RESIGNS ­- NGASONGWA RE-INSTATED

Following the issue of the report of a Presidential Committee into the Sugar Industry, with particular reference to the issue of licenses to import sugar, Minister of Industry and Commerce Iddi Simba resigned on November 5. However, because of the crucial role he had played in a July meeting in Zanzibar of trade ministers from the least developed countries (LDC’s) prior to negotiations for a new round of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks at Doha in Qatar in mid­November, Mkapa asked him to stay on until November 16 to lead the Tanzanian delegation. Tanzania opposed the new round because it claimed that developing countries could not yet face open competition and the subsidies some western nations gave to their own industries. Simba said that he had had to resign to ‘demonstrate his political maturity’ and to save the government from being defeated by a vote of no confidence in Parliament. The enquiry had followed a motion tabled by Kwela MP Chrisant Mzindakaya in the National Assembly attacking Simba for ‘indiscriminately’ issuing sugar import licences’. Mzindakaya was the MP who in 1996 had raised another alleged scandal which saw the resignation of the then Finance Minister Prof. Simon Mbilinyi. The Commission recommended repeal of Government Notice Number 301 of 2000 which had given the Minister for Industry and Commerce wide powers to register any person to import sugar. Simba stepped down a day before Parliament began a debate on the issue of sugar import licenses. He was reported to have authorised 44 companies, instead of only 10 gazetted last August to import sugar. The enquiry concluded that the import licenses were issued in an environment surrounded with circumstantial evidence of graft.

On November 23 President Mkapa surprised many when he appointed former Minister of Natural Resources, Tourism and the Environment Dr Juma Ngasongwa to replace Simba in this key cabinet post. Ngasongwas had himself resigned in December 1966 after he had been mentioned in Judge Joseph Warioba’s Corruption Commission which had probed a scandal involving the allocation of hunting blocks. Ngasongwa was subsequently reprieved.