Category Archives: Politics

MWALIMU NYERERE 1922-1999

Posted on by
Reply
Tanzanian Press coverage of Mwalimu's death

Tanzanian Press coverage of Mwalimu's death

Former President Julius Kambarage Nyerere died at St Thomas’s Hospital in London at 10.30am on October 14 at the age of 77 following an 18 month battle with chronic lymphocytic leukaemia. He had been in the hospital since September 24. There then began to arrive in Tanzania messages of condolence from Heads of State and others around the world and Tanzania witnessed an outpouring of national grief on a scale that the country had never seen before. Members of the United Nations stood for a minute’s silence in New York. Mourning continued in Tanzania for 30 days until November 12.

A biographical outline

JULIUS KAMBARAGE NYERERE was born in Butiama, Musoma Region in 1922, a younger son of Chief Nyerere Burite, chief of a small tribe, the Wazanaki. He first went to school at twelve years of age, but within three years he won a place at Tabora Secondary School, at that time the premier school of Tanganyika. In 1943 he went to Makerere College in Uganda to read for a teaching diploma and then went to teach at St Mary’s Roman Catholic School in Tabora. From 1949 to 1952 he was at Edinburgh University studying history, economics and philosophy and on his return took up a post at Pugu Secondary School, near Dar es Salaam. In 1953 he became President of the African Association of Tanganyika and in 1954 of its successor organisation, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). In 1955 he resigned as a teacher to devote himself full-time to the work of TANU. In that year, and again in 1957, he addressed the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York. In 1957 he became a Member of the Legislative Council and in Tanganyika’s first elections in 1958 he was elected as a Member for the Eastern Province. In 1960 he was Chief Minister and in 1961-62 Prime Minister of Tanganyika. Tanganyika became independent in 1961. In 1962 Nyerere resigned as Prime Minister to devote himself to the work of T ANU and to build a bridge between the nationalist movement and the elected government. In December 1962 Tanganyika was declared a Republic within the Commonwealth and in 1964, after the violent revolution in Zanzibar, Nyerere was the architect of the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and the setting up of the United Republic of Tanzania of which he was elected President in 1964. In 1963 he had tried to persuade the leaders of Uganda, Milton Obote and of Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta, to form with him an East African Federation but was not successful. The highlight of his attempt to build socialism in Tanzania was the Arusha Declaration of 1967 and he then nationalised the commanding heights of the economy. In 1971 he forced though a radical programme of villagisation (ujamaa). In 1978 Uganda’s ruthless dictator Idi Amin invaded Tanzania and Nyerere sent 45,000 Tanzanian troops to overthrow him. Mwalimu was one of the few to support Biafra in the Nigerian civil war. From 1964 he had invited the Organisation of African Unity’s Liberation Committee to establish its headquarters in Dar es Salaam and Tanzania soon became the training ground for African liberation movements from around the continent. He was Chairman of the Frontline states from 1975 to 1985 and Chairman of the OAU in 1985. He was also the driving force behind South-South cooperation and was prominent in the setting up of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). Almost up to the time of his death he struggled as official mediator with the internal problems of Burundi. He retired voluntarily from the Presidency in 1985 but remained a power behind the scenes until his death.

The funeral ceremonies

On SATURDAY October 16th there was a Requiem Mass at Westminster Cathedral in London. Eirlys Park describes the scene: ‘They began to gather before ten and the cortege came, a dignified sad family dressed in black, with the flag draped over the coffin. I didn’t know we had so many Tanzanians in Britain. But those in the packed Cathedral (over 1,500) were by no means all Africans. The Britain Tanzania Society contingent, of about 20, sat together half way down the Cathedral but also there were grey-haired couples, nuns, missionaries, ex-civil servants, young and not so young hippies, solemn. All were there to pay their last respects, and were remembering. As the church filled I had not expected that Mwalimu would be with us and I caught my breath and suppressed a tear. Was it my imagination, or was even the flag looking sad too, limp, lifeless? So different from the young banner we watched rise in the independence stadium on the eve of uhuru. The reading – ‘Let us now praise famous men’ – was read by Charles, the youngest of the three sons. (The main address by Tanzanian High Commissioner in London Dr Abdul-Kadir Shareef was moving indeed – “We mourn the passing of a man we love, respect and admire”. The High Commissioner made it clear that this was a mourning ceremony for everyone and made specific reference to the presence of Muslims amongst us – probably for the first time in that place – Editor). As the coffin returned down the aisle, a European man ran across, touched the coffin and collapsed head down on his knees. We were all bereft. As the crowd waited to walk past the coffin a young girl began to sing. Her voice rose to the ceiling of that great building and echoed loud as it was joined by all the other members of the Furaha choir and other Tanzanian women there. An African lament in a London cathedral to a man who was small of build but great of stature. He had stood proud on the world’s stage and fought for freedom, rights and his beliefs but yet, he was man enough to say “I made mistakes”. May he rest in peace.’

On SUNDAY 17th the body arrived at Heathrow airport where the Air Tanzania plane was parked using the facilities usually employed for the British Royal family.

The plane arrived in Dar es Salaam at 9.03 am on MONDAY 18th and then began what the Tanzanian ‘Guardian’ described as the most emotional event ever in the history of independent Tanzania – a week­long series of funeral ceremonies. Millions were watching silently at the airport, in the streets and on TV as the coffin was driven on a gun carriage in a motorcade slowly through the streets of Dar to Mwalimu’s house in Msasani where many more were assembled to pay tribute. On TUESDAY 19th a Requiem Mass was held at St. Joseph’s Cathedral. At the National Stadium a huge and majestic air-conditioned glass structure to accommodate the coffin had been erected. It is to be moved to the National Museum later to house a Nyerere archive. Three million people are estimated to have filed past the body during the lying in state which continued day and night.

On WEDNESDAY 20th amidst another vast throng at the National Stadium the official funeral took place. Over 400 leaders from 61 countries and eight international organisations attended, including the Heads of State of almost all the countries in East and Southern Africa plus President Obasanjo of Nigeria, Vice-President Krishna Kant of India, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, Princess Ann representing Britain and many others. Some 200 people collapsed on sighting the body of the Father of the Nation.

On THURSDAY 21st the Dar es Salaam ‘Daily Mail’ reported that, by l0am the streets of Musoma, on the shores of lake Victoria, were deserted as the population moved to the airport and lined the road to Mwalimu’s Butiama birthplace. It was a fiercely hot day and the plane bringing the body did not arrive until 4.50pm, two hours late. But people stayed where they were. There was total silence as the plane touched down and then the choir of St Cecilia Musoma Catholic Church broke into a sorrowful hymn. Young and old, men and women, were shedding tears. The cortege reached Butiama, 32 kms away, at 8pm and was received by members of the family and of the clan.

On FRIDAY 22nd the body lay in state at Butiama. The impressive series of commemoration ceremonies came to an end on Saturday 23rd when Mwalimu Nyerere was buried. Some half a million people from the surrounding areas had come to this small village of 50,000. Uganda and South Africa had provided planes to bring mourners from Dar es Salaam. He was buried about 10 metres from where he was born and about 20 metres from where his father and his mother had been buried. Mwalimu was laid on his side facing east. As his coffin was laid into the grave mourners wailed and many fainted. Speaking at the ceremony (his fifth major speech in as many days) President Mkapa, in the presence of President Museveni of Uganda and former President Kaunda of Zambia, gave thanks to all who had been involved in the funeral and in looking after Mwalimu in his final weeks and also to the British Prime Minister Tony Blair for his assistance.

Some individual tributes

“Africa has been orphaned by Mwalimu’s untimely death” – President Chiluba of Zambia.

“People can celebrate too. He was a person who had brought so much pride to Africa” President Jerry Rawlings of Ghana.

“… a world statesman and a truly revered leader who would forever be remembered for not only being father of the Tanzanian nation but also for having become the voice of freedom and unity of Africa -Vice-President Krishna Kant of lndia.

“Nyerere will be remembered for the good work he did, not only for Tanzania, but for the whole of Africa” -Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo.

” … Our political elder … ” -President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda.

“Recognised throughout Africa and the world for his dignity and intelligence and for his unquestioned personal and political integrity ­Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien.

“For the men and women who have served the great cause of development in the world, one of the lights of our lives has gone out … While world economists were debating the importance of capital output ratios, President Nyerere was saying that nothing was more important for people than being able to read and write and have access to clean water” James Wolfensolm, President of the World Bank.

‘ …. When he told his mother in 1985 that he had decided to retire as President her response, which he gleefully repeated, was “Julius, you are a silly boy”. But his decision to stand down only added to the high regard in which he was held. Nevertheless, from that day until his death, Nyerere remained the first among equals. His endorsement was to be a vital component of any contemporary Tanzanian politician for, in truth, he never ceased to be Tanzania’s leader … ‘ former Tanzanian journalist David Martin in the Dar es Salaam Guardian.

MWALIMU AND THE INTERNATIONAL MEDIA

Posted on by
Reply
International Press coverage of Mwalimu's death

International Press coverage of Mwalimu's death

There can hardly have been a significant newspaper in the world which did not publish news of Mwalimu’s death and an appropriate obituary. The following extracts are selected at random. The majority of the obituaries were balanced, pointing out the weaknesses as well as the strengths of Mwalimu’s contributions to Tanzania and the world.

THE LONDON TIMES: … one of the most cultured and personable African statesman of his time but circumstances conspired to turn him into a nationalist campaigner, the leader of an emergent nation and the prophet of a revolutionary socialist philosophy for Africa… he achieved a reputation for personal incorruptibility and principled dealings which made him stand out among post-independence African leaders. But his experiment in agricultural socialism was over-ambitious and ultimately disastrous …. as his own political position became increasingly embattled, an instinct for survival conspired to make this once liberal and, by nature, gentle man become impatient and coercive in his dealings with those who rivalled or opposed him… In the field of international affairs Nyerere … earned a reputation for clear thinking, plain speaking and moral superiority ….

The WASHINGTON POST: … although Mr Nyerere’s economic programme had little success, his social policy is widely revered for having instilled a sense of African identity that cuts across ethnic lines ….

AFRICA TODAY: Why has Nyerere still got a grip on the collective imagination of Tanzanians and East Africans almost a decade and a half after he retired as President? The answer is simple. Mwalimu is Tanzania . … . Quite unlike the typical African leader he had better things to do than loot his country’s wealth. He achieved national unity …tribal and clan tensions tearing apart states all over the continent are insignificant in Tanzania.

THE INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE: Idealistic, principled and some would say misguided …

The FRANFURTER RUNDSCHAU’S headline translates as ‘The Voice of Africa is Silent -Tanzania’s former President Julius Nyerere will be a loss not only for the black continent’.

The London INDEPENDENT: The Nyerere generation of African leaders espoused old-fashioned socialism, collectivism and even Maoism which now seem redundant and damaging but which were crucial in their day to nation-building. These concepts were certainly founded on more substance than the greed and power hunger which have discredited the ‘strong new leaders’ …. Nyerere’s triumph was to build a lasting physiognomy for a place which had no logical raison d’etre apart from in the pencil and ruler of a 19th century map-maker … his humility and honesty remain a guiding light for contemporary leaders …. Nyerere turned Tanzania into an economic desert but he never lost the affections of his countrymen -(in introducing his Arusha Declaration) he failed to understand that people were not made in his image ….

The DALLAS MORNING NEWS … Mr Nyerere was known as a benevolent dictator. He wasn’t known for harsh human rights abuses and he lived modestly … a charismatic presence …

ASIAN VOICE: Nyerere was a universally respected Mandela before his time ….

BBC FOCUS ON AFRICA: (The funeral) was perhaps the greatest outpouring of grief ever witnessed in sub-Saharan Africa … the tributes were sincere and heartfelt … here at last was an African leader worth mourning.

The Kenyan SUNDAY NATION: Humility, courage, universalism, support for man’s liberation, belief in human dignity … he has always stood taller than his compatriots in reputation, performance and respect …

The GLASGOW HERALD: He leaves behind a reputation for incorruptibility and principled leadership … he will be remembered – like Nelson Mandela – not as a great economist but as one of the key strategists behind Africa’s liberation from colonial rule and apartheid during a span of three decades …. family members who gathered around him during his last days say that he took great satisfaction from the success of the African liberation movements and he was also delighted that his lengthy and unceasing campaign for African debt relief had met with a fair measure of success at last. …

NEW AFRICA: Julius Nyerere will be remembered as an African hero, the father of his nation and above all as a warm, friendly person. A man of charisma and charm. He was as much loved outside his country as within. Throughout his life he occupied the moral high ground …. the plaudits still ring for him and yet, his one unique project, his great economic experiment of ujamaa and collectivisation, ended in failure. He took one step too far. He reached for the impossible and paid the price of failure …..

The WALL STREET JOURNAL wrote a highly critical article comparing Nyerere with the Chilean dictator Pinochet and the London SPECTATOR accused him of seriously damaging his country because of his disastrous economic policies.

In the TANZANIAN PRESS during the first week of mourning there was only one story. Two brief extracts from hundreds of thousands of words:

Under the heading ‘Even criminals respect Nyerere’ the GUARDIAN reported that the police recorded no incidents of crime in Dar es Salaam for a full week after Mwalimu’s death. And, under the heading ‘Why Mwalimu died in London’ the Guardian’s Lawl Joel wrote ‘ ….. In October 1949 he was in the UK for his degree …. the UK was the first overseas land he ever set foot on. No doubt he was right to call the Queen ‘Mama’. “Malkia ni mama yangu” he reportedly said. For in the land of Mama he reached the acme of his educational pursuit.. .. Then he got sick and was bedridden in October 1999. The race to save his soul ended in the land of Mama …. with October and a year of nine, 1999, Mwalimu reached some apogee here on earth …. .it was a pleasure to see the grandeur, the fanfare and the respect of (his) work before Mwalimu came home. The British were not a colonial power. They were brothers and sisters in grief. Even as they wept and grieved, they wept and grieved with us. A union of a kind … ‘

THE CONSTITUTION AND POLITICS

Posted on by
Reply

The Judge Robert Kisanga Committee considering the Government’s White Paper on constitutional change finished its work and presented its report to President Mkapa in early November. The report was published just as this issue of ‘Tanzanian Affairs’ went to press. There was much speculation on what it would say about the future of the union with Zanzibar.

The death of Mwalimu Nyerere had already rekindled the debate on the constitution of the United Republic. Mwalimu had always fought fiercely against any change to the existing two government structure (one government for the United Republic and one for Zanzibar). The ‘East African’ wrote in November however that it believed that the Kisanga Report would be likely to recommend the setting up of an interim government for Tanzania in 2000 pending further consideration of a new constitution. A proposal for a new federal structure with a government for Tanganyika, a government for Zanzibar and a Union government has attracted widespread support. But the policy of the Mkapa government was still to continue with the status quo. On November 2 opposition leader in the Union parliament, Ms Fauna Maghimbi (Civic United Front -CUF), who comes from Zanzibar, said that the present system had a lot of contradictions which should be addressed.

Meanwhile, the irrepressible opposition activist Augustine Mrema finally won what might be the final stage of his battle to be accepted as chairman of the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP) following a general meeting of the party. He had joined it (or ‘gatecrashed’ it as claimed by some of the former leaders of the party) in a surprise coup in mid-1999 (TA No 64). The result of a court case brought by these former leaders was that Mrema, the party’s former chairman and new Deputy Chairman, Leo Lakamwa, and the new Secretary General, Harold Jaffu, were recognised in their respective posts. The Judge said that the court had no power to grant an injunction against them -they would be be denied their rights to engage in the political life of the country because in Tanzania political life was not possible outside political parties. But the original leaders of the TLP who had taken the matter to court refused to accept the verdict and insisted that Mrema’s membership of the party was illegal. Later, following a speech in Moshi during which he was alleged to have insulted the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) leadership and the late Mwalimu Nyerere, Mrema was detained by the police for a short period and charged with sedition and defamation.

Many were surprised to learn on August 18 that in the by-election in the BUKOBA RURAL constituency where the CCM MP, former Minister of Labour and Youth Development Sebastian Kinyondo, had been removed from his seat by the court following allegations of corruption in 1968 (he had obtained 42,269 votes compared with CHADEMA’s 1 0,1 09 votes in the general election) had been re-elected unopposed. Apparently a CHADEMA candidate had collected a form but had managed to list only 23 referees instead of the 25 required under the rules. Two names on the list were apparently repeated. He then failed to appeal within the required time and Mr Sebastian Kinyondo was declared the MP again.

Meanwhile the former leading opposition party NCCR-Mageuzi took a further step in its decline when its outspoken Chairman of the Dar es Salaam branch, Dr Masurnbuko Lamwai, resigned. He complained that, although the party had received from the government Shs 500 million for its by-election expenses in the Ubungo and Temeke by­elections, he as one of the party’s candidates, had been granted only Shs 5 million and had received no support from the leadership in his campaign.

Opposition CHADEMA leader Bob Makani is reported to have said that the opposition parties had learnt from past mistakes and had begun to discuss closer cooperation in the future. But the CCM seems more certain than ever of winning the next elections later this year. President Mkapa seems to fear that he might be chosen unanimously as his CCM party’s candidate for the elections and has expressed a wish that somebody should stand against him so as to make for a real contest.

ZANZIBAR

Posted on by
Reply

President Amour has put much speculation to rest by announcing that he will not try to have the constitution of Zanzibar changed to enable him to stand for a third term as President in the 2000 elections.

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE JUNE AGREEMENT
Following the resumption of normal functioning of the House of Representatives (after signing of the June 9, 1999 agreement between the CCM and opposition Civic United Front (CUF) parties -see Tanzanian Affairs No 64) President Amour said to MP’s on July 28 “I am overjoyed in seeing tolerance among you during this entire budget session of parliament. The accord was a historic milestone towards peace and reconciliation” .

The Daily News reported on November 2 that the Commonwealth Secretariat, which had negotiated the agreement, had set May 2000 as the deadline for its implementation. The first step was the setting up of a 14­member Inter-Party Committee (IPC) of the House of Representatives. The CCM and CUF chairmen of the IPC (Haje Mkema and Abubakar Bakari respectively) announced that six consultants (three foreign and three Tanzanian), appointed by the Commonwealth to review the constitution, election laws, electoral commission and judiciary had started work on November 2 and had been given one month to submit their proposals. But, according to the Daily News, the government had made it clear that it would only implement proposals it found palatable because the IPC had no legal powers to force it to ‘swallow all proposals’ .

TREASON TRIAL
British High Commissioner Bruce Dinwiddy during a visit to meet President Amour in mid-August last year called on Zanzibar to speed up the trial of the 18 CUF activists who have been in custody for two years on charges of treason. He said that this long detention without trial was damaging the reputation of Zanzibar and the human rights record of Tanzania in the eyes of the world as the accused had been declared ‘prisoners of conscience’ by Amnesty International. Talking to the Swedish Ambassador (whose government refuses to resume aid to Zanzibar until the treason case is resolved) on August 17, President Amour said that the government would ensure that the treason case would be expedited and fairly handled. He questioned why the case was connected to aid provision. He said it was a legal matter and even the Commonwealth-brokered agreement had been silent on the issue. On December 3 the newspaper ‘Mtanzania’ quoted a government spokesman as saying that the treason trial would take its course without internal or external interference. It would be unconstitutional for the government or President to interfere with the judiciary. On December 30 OAU Secretary General Salim Ahmed Salim added his voice to the chorus of criticism of what was going on. “We must admit that justice delayed is justice denied” he said. He added that the delay was tarnishing the country’s Image.

As long ago as September 10 the Guardian had quoted State House spokesman Geoffrey Nkurlu as saying that hearing of the treason trial would start soon but at the end of 1999 it had still not started. The same paper later quoted Zanzibar Attorney General, Mohamed Ali Omar, as having wondered why the police had not yet arrested the main CUF leaders -Vice-Chairman Seif Sharrif Hamad and Secretary General Shabaan Mloo -in addition to the 18 already held. The Attorney General said that the leaders had been mentioned by some of the 18 suspects in the case during investigations. “One cannot arrest the dancer without the drummers” he was quoted as saying. Both CUF leaders then declared that they were ready to be arrested. The Director of Criminal Investigations was then said to have denied that he had received orders to arrest Hamad and Mloo and eight others who had also been mentioned. A CUF spokesman said that these contradictory statements by government were designed to further delay the case. On September 22 Union Minister for Home Affairs, Ali Ameir Mohamed (who is from Zanzibar) told the Guardian that he was surprised that the trial had not yet started. He added that law enforcers would be summoned to explain why they were not executing orders which would enable the trial to start. On December 29 the Swahili paper Majira quoted Zanzibar Chief Justice Harnid Mahamoud Hamid as saying that the trial would start before the end of February 2000. It could take place only after the present session of the Appeal Court had finished. Some 61 prosecution witnesses were said to have been lined up. The paper thought that one of Zanzibar’s Nigerian judges would hear the case.

The Swahili press reported on November 16 that the 18 accused had written to participants in the Commonwealth Conference in Durban, which was attended by 45 heads of Government, accusing them of failing to put pressure on the Zanzibar government to speed up their trial. They were quoted as saying that, while the Commonwealth had taken a tough stand on minimal human rights abuses in Kenya and Zambia, the organisation didn’t seem to care about their predicament ~ they had been languishing in prison for two years without their case being heard. They said that Tanzania should be suspended from the Commonwealth Club.

EAST AFRICA TOGETHER AGAIN

Posted on by
Reply

After a year of debate over the precise terms of the agreement the Presidents of Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda signed a treaty in Arusha on November 30 re-establishing an East African Community. The original East African Community (EAC) had lasted from 1967 until 1977. But, although the new treaty apparently established a customs union and represented a step towards political and economic integration on the EC model, a decision on the setting up of the originally envisaged Common Market seems to have been postponed indefinitely. (We hope to have more on this in our next issue ~ Editor).

CORRUPTION -SIGNIFICANT COURT CASE

Posted on by
Reply

There has been much discussion inside and outside Tanzania in recent months about what appeared to be the determination with which the government was tackling small scale corruption but its apparent lack of attention to corruption involving ‘big’ people. However, on December 28, former Works Minister Nalaila Kiula and his former Principal Secretary, Director of Roads and Aerodromes, Chief Engineer Rural Roads and the Director of a construction company appeared in the Kisutu Magistrates Court in Dar es Salaam to answer corruption charges involving the loss of Shs 3.3 billion. They were charged under the Economic Sabotage and Organised Crime Control Act and were initially remanded in custody. Giving details of the case, the Guardian reported that on January 2 1966 the Minister had allegedly been found in possession of houses in Dodoma (valued at Shs 25 million), and Dar es Salaam (Shs 5.5 million), various sums of money (Shs 33.9 million) an air ticket to Tokyo for his wife, and a car (Shs 18 million) which the prosecution alleged had been ‘reasonably suspected of having been corruptly obtained’. Similar charges were made against the others. It was said that the accused would have to apply to the High Court for bail and this was granted on Deceember 31. House Speaker Pius Msekwa announced later that Niula would remain an MP until any changes against him had been proved.

Other developments in the government’s anti-corruption drive have included the following: Two lorry loads of smuggled goods were intercepted at the Geita lakeshore and the guilty persons were fined a total of Shs 11 million in August. 105 drivers were arrested in a crackdown on people with faked drivers licenses. The very active Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) seized goods worth about Shs 15 million on the Tanzania Kenya border on August 14 as tax had not been paid on them. On September 27 the CID began questioning 16 people suspected of committing theft and fraud between January and September 1999 in 34 branches of the National Bank of Commerce. The Judicial Services Commission announced in October that one magistrate had been sacked and two others retired for acting against professional ethics. Two businessmen and six land officers are in court on charges of bribery involving acquisition of plots of land. Ten oil marketing companies have had their licenses revoked for suspected tax evasion. However, the former Director of National Parks has been acquitted on charges of corruption in the Arusha Magistrates Court.

AID

Posted on by
Reply

World Bank President James Wolfensohn in his address to the Bank’s Board of Governors on September 28 singled out Tanzania (and only Tanzania) and its President for special mention. He quoted President Mkapa as saying to a Swedish audience “Ownership of development programmes is not only an understandably nationalist yearning, an inherent and sovereign right, but it also creates the most fervent disposition and conditions for hard work and for self-development”.

Wolfensohn responded by saying “We must recognise our role in helping not hindering those doers of development by better coordinating our own activities. It is shameful that Tanzania must produce 2,400 quarterly reports a year for its donors. It is shameful that Tanzania must suffer 1,000 missions from donors a year”. Tanzania has obtained a World Bank soft loan of $61 million to help reduce its foreign debt and strengthen financial institutions. The IMF has allowed Tanzania to borrow $31 million, the final tranche of the $241 million Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) agreed some time ago -The Guardian.

BRITISH aid was expected to grow from £50 million to £60 million annually in two years time announced High Commissioner Bruce Dinwiddy on October 13. Half would go to the Multilateral Debt Relief Fund and the rest to the public sector. Tanzania would begin to get substantial benefits from the ‘Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative’ (HIPC) by the end of 2000 something in which the UK had been one of the first proponents he said. Other recent aid announcements: WORLD BANK -Shs 23 billion for continuation of the civil service reform programme. GERMANY ­$370,000 TO UNHCR for refugees in Kigoma region. JAPAN -Shs 3.65 billion towards debt relief. AUSTRIA -$125,000 for various dairy projects. THE NETHERLANDS EMBASSY -books worth $1.61 million for primary schools in Kagera and Shinyanga regions. SWITZERLAND -Shs 17 billion for health projects and roads and Shs 5.4 billion for debt relief. EUROPEAN DEVELOPMENT BANK -Shs 6.8 billion loan to finance small and medium scale investments.

ZANZIBAR – THE AGREEMENT

Posted on by
Reply

On the day (June 10, 1999) that the media of the world were trumpeting the end of the war in the Balkans and the signing of a peace treaty, the beginning of week-long celebrations surrounding another peace treaty went virtually unnoticed in the world outside. After 1,225 days of political impasse in Zanzibar, an agreement, put together by Commonwealth Secretary General Chief Anyaoku and his negotiator Dr Moses Anafu after four years of effort, was signed between representatives of the combative political parties in the Isles -Mr Khatib Hassan, a member of the National Executive Committee for the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and Mr Shabaan Mloo, Secretary General of the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) for his party.

Special prayers were read at the ceremony in the House of Representatives and seven white pigeons were released. A multitude of guests attended a dinner in the evening and heard President Amour say: “I can now welcome to State House my old friend Maalim Seif (a term of affection for Seif Shariff Hamad, the CUF leader) for a bottle of soda, a cup of coffee or even haluwa. In a convivial atmosphere he added “You and I understand each other, CCM and CUF understand each other, let us build the nation patriotically”.

Chief Anyaoku, who was given honorary Zanzibar citizenship said in his speech that Zanzibar was now ‘the real pearl of Africa’. He pointed out that the whole object of the agreement was about both parties putting the past behind them.

THE AGREEMENT (Abbreviated)
The CCM and CUF realise that there is a POLITICAL IMPASSE in Zanzibar. They also realise that if the impasse is allowed to continue it will exacerbate social divisions, retard the orderly socio-economic development of Zanzibar and undermine its nascent democracy. CCM and CUF have therefore agreed to work together in the spirit of national reconciliation to consolidate democracy in Zanzibar, promote human rights and good governance and ensure that future elections are free of controversy and that the will of the electorate will be respected.

The ZANZIBAR ELECTORAL COMMISSION (ZEC) is to be reformed before the elections in 2000, taking into account the now accepted practice in other parts of the Commonwealth. To ensure the independence of the ZEC from both the government of the day and the political parties, such independence is to be guaranteed by appropriate constitutional and legal protection and the provision of adequate financial resources. The technical competence of the ZEC is to be enhanced through the establishment of a Secretariat of properly qualified staff. The ZEC will institute a formal mechanism for regular consultations with representatives of all registered political parties and other players involved in the electoral process through:
– the compilation of a credible register of voters;
– a sustained programme of voter and civic education;
– a review of the Constitution and the Electoral Laws to enhance
harmonisation with the requirements of a modern, multi-party democracy;

The parties agree that the promotion of human rights and good governance
in Zanzibar is to include:
-equitable access to the publicly owned MEDIA for all political parties; the
media to be encouraged to give balanced coverage to the legitimate political
activities of all political parties;
-free political activity within the law

The JUDICIARY of Zanzibar is to be reformed to enhance its independence, its professionalism and its standing in the eyes of the community as the fount of justice. The exercise should involve consultations between the Government, the judiciary itself and the legislature.

Since the elections of October 1995, there have been allegations and counter allegations of abuses of HUMAN RIGHTS, of properties damaged or destroyed for political reasons, of civil servants demoted or dismissed on political grounds and of students denied scholarships. Accordingly, the President will appoint an INDEPENDENT ASSESSOR to establish the validity of the claims of those who allege that their properties were destroyed or damaged and make recommendations on the nature and scope of Government assistance to those deserving assistance. The President will also appoint a small COMMITTEE OF RETIRED SENIOR CIVIL SERVANTS to look into the claims of civil servants arbitrarily dismissed or demoted and students whose scholarships were either withheld or denied and recommend appropriate redress. In the case of the allegations about human rights abuses, the parties agree that these matters properly belong to the courts of law. To facilitate the expeditious resolution of all these claims, the Government has agreed to establish a FUND FOR RECONCILIATION AND RECONSTRUCTION within an appropriate Ministry.

The parties agree that the ending ofthe impasse calls for the RESUMPTION OF NORMAL POLITICAL LIFE. Accordingly, the CUF MP’s will resume their seats in the House. The parties also agree to refrain from inciting ethnic hatred, hostility and political intolerance. For his part, and in the same spirit, the President has agreed to appoint two new members into the House of Representatives from the ranks of CUF. This will increase CUF numbers to 30; CCM has 45 MP’s in the House of Representatives.

The parties agree to the establishment of an INTER-PARTY COMMITTEE (IPC) composed of CCM and CUF MP’s. It will have no constitutional or legal status but will play a useful role in NATIONAL RECONCILIATION through the promotion of dialogue and the fostering of mutual confidence between the parties. The IPC will facilitate the implementation of this Agreement.

Zanzibar has already begun to reap the benefits of the agreement. Donor agencies, most of which had stopped aid to Zanzibar because of doubts about the fairness of the last elections and allegations of human rights violations, indicated that they would soon resume aid. Tanzania and Zanzibar have received congratulations from many countries. OAU Secretary General Salim Ahmed Salim saluted the high standard of political maturity shown by leaders of both sides in the dispute. US Ambassador Rev. Charles Stith visited President Amour to congratulate him on his leadership and political courage. On May 19 Sweden announced that it would be resuming aid but Norway said that it would resume aid to Zanzibar only after the 2000 elections and if they were free and fair and if the 18 treason suspects (see below) were treated fairly.

TREASON TRIAL
Many, inside and outside Tanzania were disappointed that there was no reference in the agreement to the Treason Trial of 18 leading CUF personalities who have been in jail for over 20 months (see earlier editions of Tanzanian Affairs). There was some speculation however, that President Amour might release them as he has authority under the constitution to do so. Amnesty International in its report covering September 1998 to March 1999 described the charges as ‘fabricated’ and said that the trial might not begin for several months

Political analysts have been trying to work out what had made the two leaders Amour and Hamad finally embrace after such a long and bitter confrontation. Both parties have gained something. CCM is happy that CUF finally recognises Dr Amour as President of Zanzibar and has ceased its boycott of the House of Representatives. CUF is happy about the proposed reform of the much criticised Electoral Commission and the Judiciary. The agreement lacks a precise timetable for the various actions proposed and much goodwill will be needed if it is to be implemented successfully. The approach of the next elections was certainly one factor favouring agreement especially as CUF needed a reformed Electoral Commission if it were to have a chance. CCM has gained in confidence that it will win again. There has been also continuous pressure from donors.

POLITICS – latest developments

Posted on by
Reply

There have been four significant developments on the political scene since the last issue of Tanzanian Affairs. Prominent activist Augustine Mrema changed his political allegiance again; two by-elections in Dar es Salaam on July 11 gave results which could indicate important new trends; the government decided to stop providing subsidies for political parties and Minister of Commerce and Industry Iddi Simba hinted that Tanzania now had a ‘replacement’ for the Arusha Declaration.

MREMA CHANGES PARTY AGAIN!
The Chairman of what was the most significant opposition party, the NCCR-Mageuzi, Augustine Mrema, who stood for the presidency of Tanzania in 1995 and never fails to spring surprises, announced that he was leaving the party and had become Chairman of the previously insignificant Tanzania Labour Party (TLP). His relations with the NCCR party’s MP’s and its intellectual wing had clearly deteriorated beyond repair.

The NCCR leadership and several existing leaders of the TLP (a party which had now acquired not only Mrema but also many of his followers, some of whom immediately took up executive posts in the TLP) objected. Some described Mrema as a ‘political refugee’. The High Court ruled that Mrema could not become chairman of the TLP as normal electoral procedures had not been followed. He then became known as the Acting Chairman. By changing parties Mrema automatically ceased to be an MP (for Temeke in Dar es Salaam) and when the by-election was announced indicated that he would stand for his old seat. At this, the NCCR again went to court and Mrema was barred from contesting the Temeke seat. The Registrar of Political Parties said that the sudden changes in the leadership of TLP were unconstitutional. The Vice Chairman of TLP (Mainland) and the Chairperson of the Women’s wing then filed an application to the High Court and, on June 13 the Court issued an interim injunction interdicting the Acting Chairman of TPL and his fellow defectors from holding any office in the party.

A wise NCCR MP, who did not give his name, in an interview in the Guardian, admitted that the defection of Mrema had left NCCR in a shambles. He criticised the government for treating Mrema as an arch enemy and barring him from holding meetings. The more the government tried to intimidate him the more popular he became. Another NCCR member was quoted as wondering whether the NCCR could survive without Mrema. A CCM member said that Mrema had been a crowd puller and an orator but he lacked some of the basic qualities of leadership. Mrema tended to find most advice unacceptable, made rash and haphazard decisions and was too inflexible to lead.

CUF ALMOST WINS TWO MAINLAND PARLIAMENTARY SEATS
The leading opposition party in Zanzibar (CUF), which won no seats on the mainland in the 1995 elections but almost half the Isles’ seats, sprang a surprise on July 11 when it came very close to winning two mainland seats. It would have won them if the opposition parties had stood together. The results were as follows:

UBUNGU (former seat of the NCCR’s Dr Masumbuko Lamwai)
Venance Ngula CCM 23,790
Hussein Mmasi CUF 21,530
Justina Minja CHADEMA 2,010
Abdulkarim Atik NCCR-Mageuzi 1,461
Aleck CheMponda Tanzania Peoples Party 651

TEMEKE (former seat of the NCCR’s Augustine Mrema):
John Kibasso CCM 27,090
Tambwe Hizza CUF 25,742
Abbas Mtemvu TLP 14,701
Suleiman Hegga NCCR-Mageuzi 866

CUF supporters were unhappy with these results and suspected corruption. Seventeen CUF supporters were arrested following rioting, attacks on CCM offices and destruction of CCM cars in Temeke after the results were declared. The last time Temeke was fought over in a by­election, in October 1996, the NCCR’s Augustine Mrema had won the seat convincingly with 54,840 votes against CCM’s 33,113. What happened to the NCCR voters this time? According to Mrema a lot of them stayed at home in protest at the refusal of the Electoral Commission to allow him to stand. The surprising strength of CUP can be explained by the collapse of the NCCR and the influence of Zanzibar and its Muslim religion. Many Zanzibaris live in the two constituencies.

Needless to say Mrema could not conceal his glee at the humiliation suffered by the NCCR party now that he was no longer its leader. “They have reaped what they sowed” he was quoted in the Guardian as saying.
There are many lessons for all politicians to learn from these results. Firstly, the opposition must unite if it is ever to beat CCM. Secondly, although it has been dealt a body blow by the collapse of the NCCR, opposition still exists and Mrema still has many loyal supporters willing even to change parties in order to vote for him; if any opposition party could find a popular and generally acceptable leader, it could do well in the 2000 elections. Thirdly, although CCM must be happy in that it now holds every seat in Dar es Salaam, it must be aware that it is still not in the totally dominant position in urban areas that it enjoys in most rural seats.

NO MORE SUBSIDIES
Tanzania’s smaller parties received a shock in mid-June when Prime Minister Frederick Sumaye announced that the government would not continue to provide subsidies to parties for the elections in 2000. The reactions, quoted in the Guardian on June 19, were swift. CHADEMA party chairman Bob Makani, said that by deciding doing this the government hoped that CHADEMA would not be able to participate. “Despite everything, we will take part” he said. TLP Acting Chairman Augustine Mrema, said that the government intended to kill the opposition. “They know that if they give us subsidies, we will defeat them” he said. However, CCM MP for Mwanza Rural Antony Diallo, praised the decision. He said that subsidies were given during the previous general elections because the opposition parties were participating for the first time. If they had not put funds aside for the coming election it was their own fault.

There could be compensations for Tanzania, apart from the saving of money, from this decision. It is likely to kill off many of the smaller parties and encourage the others to work together to survive.

CCM MP for Bukoba Rural Sebastian Kinyondo has lost his appeal against a High Court Order which unseated him last year. He had got 42,169 votes compared with the candidate of CHADEMA’s 10,116 in the last elections.

‘REPLACMENT’ FOR THE ARUSHA DECLARATION
Commerce and Minister Iddi Simba, who is gaining a reputation (and considerable popularity) for his strong support of indigenous African business enterprise in Tanzania was reported in the Daily News on August 12 to have told the press that his new indigenisation policy was intended to empower indigenous Tanzanians to take an active role in the management and control of the country’s economy and not to divide them on racial grounds. He was quoted in the Guardian as saying that the policy was a replacement of the obsolete 1967 Arusha Declaration, the blueprint for Tanzania’s earlier policy of socialism and self-reliance.

MIXED REACTIONS TO NEW LAND LEGISLATION

Posted on by
Reply

The endorsement of two important land bills by the National Assembly on 11 February has generated mixed reactions among commentators on land reform in Tanzania. Much to the delight of women Members of Parliament, the Land Bill and the Village Land Bill recognise equal access to land ownership and use by all citizens -men and women ­and give them equal representation on land committees. The new legislation also prevents the ownership of land by foreigners, and recognises customary land tenure as equal to granted tenure. Other issues covered by the bills include leases, mortgages, co-occupancy and partition, and the solving of land disputes.

900 PAGES OF TEXT
Several commentators took issue with the short time available for consultation and debate in Parliament of the nearly 900 pages of text contained in the bills. Now that they are endorsed, special pamphlets and periodicals are to be prepared and distributed in villages to ensure that people are conversant with the bills’ contents. Land offices in the regions will be provided with essential equipment and facilities to prove quality of administration, and functionaries will attend training courses to sharpen their skills on handling land issues more effectively.

Customary ownership of land among peasants and small livestock keepers is now legally safeguarded and recognised as of equal status with the granted right of occupancy. Livestock keepers will now be able to own pasture land either individually or in groups. Rights to own land allocated by Village Assemblies, and land obtained under the Villagisation Programme during the 1970s, will also be recognised and protected. According to Mr Gideon Cheyo, Minister for Lands and Human Settlement Development, “This villagisation exercise should be taken to have been legally implemented and with good will. Problems that emanated here and there [during its implementation] will continue to be solved administratively” .

LAND FOR INVESTORS
Investors, including foreigners, will have no right to own land, in order to safeguard villagers’ interests. Instead, land will be issued to investors as tenants under special tenurial arrangements. Whereas the time limit on the customary ownership of land will be open, the granted right of occupancy will be for specific periods depending on the nature of business undertaken. This stipulation appears to have been made in response to strong objections by MP’s and non-governmental interests, to the provision ofa 99­year lease to investors as originally stated in the Land Bill. Such a long period would effectively have meant giving land to foreigners, their children and their grandchildren. Shorter periods were considered sufficient to encourage investments such as private tree planting operations.

Dr John Shao noted in the Sunday Observer that there is a continued reluctance among policy-makers to accept the principle of private land ownership, a position which he dates back to Nyerere’s paper on “National Property” of 1958, despite the move towards privatisation in almost every other sector of the economy. While acknowledging the concerns that privatisation may lead to significantly more foreign ownership and control of the economy, he asks why Africans should continue to be excluded from owning their resource base. It is not yet clear the extent to which the new legislation will increase security of land tenure in practice.

WOMEN’S RIGHTS
MP’s and NGO representatives cautioned that the legislation to encourage equal rights for women would fail unless attitudes of people changed accordingly. At a seminar in January, Ms Gemma Akilimali of the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme criticised customary law, the Marriage Act of 1971, and the Islamic law, accusing them of being the basis of discrimination against women, the youth and children. She argued that, for this reason, it would be a major flaw if the bills were to recognise customary land tenure.

THE SHIVJI PRRESIDENTIAL COMMISSION REPORT
The approval of the two bills brings to an end a process which started in 1991 with the formation of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on Land Matters led by Dar es Salaam Law Professor Issa Shivji. The Commission’s report was considered by many as an extremely well researched and argued document. It recommended an innovative model for a new tenure regime which, if implemented, would decentralise land administration and raise the status of customary smallholder tenure in the interests of the people. However academics have argued that the process of policy development has been hijacked by a small elite of senior civil servants who ignored or selectively appropriated the evidence and recommendations of the Shivji report and views of other non-governmental interests. In doing so, they managed to side-step political pressure for reform.

In contrast, Mr Cheyo has claimed that the Shivji report was utilised in the preparation of the National Land Policy in 1995 as well as the two bills, and that the whole policy process was greatly enriched by the participation of various local groups. Similarly, Grantiana Rwakibarila argued in the Daily News that the reform process “tested and extended frontiers of positive activism”. In his opinion there was a fair degree of give and take between the government and non-government interests, and the process has brought state and civil society closer together.

Yet the President remains the custodian of all land on behalf of the people, and for some commentators the fear of “dispossessing” the President lies at the heart of the problem with land policy: “Who is going to take that ownership away from the President and give it back to the people when leadership positions are so dependent on presidential good will?” asks the Sunday Observer. Under the Village Land Bill, the management and administration of land in villages will be placed in the hands of Village Councils under the approval of Village Assemblies. But the Bill also stipulates that the Minister for Lands and Human Settlement Development will be entitled to decide on the amount of land which could be owned by a single person or a firm, based on their ability, and the need for justice and sustainable development. Clearly the central issue of control over the allocation of land rights will continue to feature heavily in forthcoming debates once the new legislation is being applied and its effects begin to impact on the livelihoods of ordinary Tanzanians.

David Edwards