SPORT

by Philip Richards

Cricket
Tanzania recently took part in the World League Division 5 tournament in Malaysia with the prospect of promotion. Although they only came third, they did beat Kenya. They will now focus on the ICC-Africa Division 1 tournament in June. (The Citizen)

The Tanzanian women’s cricket team (BBC)

The Tanzanian women’s cricket team (BBC)

Women’s cricket is being lauded for developing holistic skills beyond the game. Tanzania Cricket Association’s programme for young women around the age of 13-14 supports them at a challenging time in their lives, as many are under pressure to find employment at the expense of studies and sport. By contributing to school fees, the TCA hopes to provide a brighter future for the young women themselves whilst strengthening women’s cricket generally. (BBC)

Athletics
More than 40 athletes are expected to attend international training camps ahead of this summer’s Commonwealth Games in Glasgow. Tanzania is also hoping to send some Paralympic athletes to Glasgow, but there are difficulties in getting the disabled athletes properly classified locally and hence participation is in doubt (www.ippmedia.com).

Disabled tennis
We are often astounded by the talent and determination of disabled sportspeople, and Tanzania has its own stories of inspiration. The charity Friends of Children of Tanzania, which helps people with disabilities to excel and express themselves through sport, has a partnership with the Tanzania Tennis Association to promote wheelchair tennis. Men’s and women’s teams recently competed in the All Africa tournament in Kenya, a qualifier for the 2014 Wheelchair Tennis World Cup. Although they did not win their respective tournaments, the women’s team beat the tournament’s eventual winner Kenya.

Soccer
The national side Taifa Stars have parted ways with their coach Kim Poulsen after he failed to deliver the progress expected during his two years in charge. No successor has yet been named.
In January Eton College launched a pilot project to identify and develop future Tanzanian soccer stars from pupils in rural schools in Arusha and Moshi. The sports master of Eton, Glen Pierce, led a group of three Etonians who are on their gap year before going to university. The project was sponsored by Safari Hub in collaboration with the charity ACE Africa and the Tanzanian High Commission (The Citizen, Daily News).

OBITUARIES

by Ben Taylor

Dr William Mgimwa
Member of Parliament for Kalenga constituency in Iringa, Dr William Mgimwa died in Pretoria, South Africa on 1 January 2014, of kidney failure.

Born on 20 January 1950, Dr Mgimwa began his career in finance as an accountant at the National Bank of Commerce (NBC), and his career in politics as a ward guardian. He became a lecturer at the NBC banking college in Iringa, bank manager and then director. He served as Principal of NBC College from 1997 to 2000, then as Principal of the Bank of Tanzania Training Institute in Mwanza for ten years, leaving when he was elected an MP. He was appointed Minister of Finance in 2012.

President Kikwete led a large crowd of mourners at the funeral, which was attended by an estimated 10,000 people in the village of Magunga, in Iringa. The President said his contribution to national development had left an indelible mark. Dr Mgimwa is succeeded as Minister of Finance by Saada Mkuya Salum, and as MP for Kalenga by his son, Godfrey Mgimwa.

Muhidin Maalim Gurumo
Veteran musician and founder of the Msondo Ngoma Band, Muhidim Maalim Gurumo, died on 13 April at Muhimbili National Hospital, after receiving treatment for heart problems.

Born in Kisarawe District in 1940, Gurumo’s musical career began in earnest in 1964, when he joined Nuta Jazz. He later played with DDC Mlimani Park, Orchestra Safari Sound, Kilwa Jazz and more. Gurumo’s trademark was infusing traditional beats like Ndekule (from his coastal Zaramo tribe) into his compositions, giving his songs a unique flavour.

Famously hot-tempered, Gurumo once interrupted a performance to accost a lady and confiscate her shoes. It transpired that she was mistress of a band member to whom he had lent some money and who was dilly-dallying in repaying the debt. In later years, he bemoaned the poverty that many musicians of his generation lived with, in sharp contrast to the wealth of today’s Bongo Flava stars.

Ambassador Fulgenze Kazaura
The Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM), Ambassador Fulgenze Kazaura, has died in February in India, where he was undergoing treatment for cancer.

Prior to his appointment as Chancellor in 2005, Ambassador Kazaura had a long and distinguished career as a senior civil servant and diplomat and as chairman of the UDSM Council for over a decade. On graduating in Economics from the University of Cambridge in 1965, he joined the National Development Corporation. Later he served as Tanzania’s Ambassador to the European Union in Brussels.

His friend and fellow diplomat, Ambassador Juma Mwapachu, said Kazaura was “a superbly intelligent person. He had a strong grasp of facts about the Tanzanian economy, to the point of often being, deservedly, quite arrogant about it.”

Patrick Qorro
Former Minister for Agriculture and Cooperatives and Member of Parliament for Karatu, Patrick Qorro, died on 8 February at the Muhimbili Othopaedic Institute in Dar es Salaam, where he had been undergoing treatment. He was 72.

Mr Qorro served as Minister for Agriculture and Cooperatives in the 1970s during the presidency of Julius Nyerere. Appointed first when he was aged just 28, he was then the youngest minister in the Cabinet. He quit active politics in 2000 after losing the Karatu seat to Chadema secretary general Dr Willibrod Slaa.

Judge George Liundi
The first Registrar of Political Parties and a draftsman of the current Tanzanian Constitution (1977), Judge (rtd) George Liundi, died on 12 January after suffering from malaria and blood pressure. He served as Registrar of Political Parties for nine years from 1993-2012, overseeing the early years of multiparty politics in Tanzania.

REVIEWS

by John Cooper-Poole

SURGEON OR JACK-OF-ALL-TRADES? A Mission Doctor in Tanganyika 1949 – 90. Marion Bartlett MB FRCS. Published by Words by Design, ISBN 978-1-909075-13-9(colour), ISBN 978-1-909075-14-6 (b&w): £19 (colour) or £12 (b&w) + p & p £3. Order online from www.lulu.com/wordsbydesign, or through Revd Timothy Fox, 40 Lakeber Avenue, Bentham, Lancaster, LA2 7JN. (Please make cheques payable to ‘Marion J. Bartlett’). Email: editimfox@btinternet.com

Tales of missionary heroism are unfashionable; they refer to a time when sacrifice, commitment and an unquestioned loyalty to a disciplined way of life were expected and accepted. While describing a lifestyle familiar to missionary personnel and their supporters, such narratives threaten current mission agencies. While accepting the importance of aid programmes, local development and self-sufficiency, nothing can justify the loss of the personal partnerships which informed and inspired personal and church commitments, generated finance and fostered vocations. So this book is both an inspiration and a reproach. Combining loyalty both to the Hippocratic Oath and to her personal beliefs, Marian Bartlett writes that medical services “must be open to all, of whatever creed or colour, and with no ‘preaching to captive audiences’ or other unfair pressure towards conversion”. The book records the story of two people doing the ordinary things of missionary life extraordinarily well.

While appealing to anyone who has worked, or supported work in East Africa, overseas medical programmes, or UMCA or USPG, it is essentially a personal story of one woman’s work, ministry and life, shared from 1967 with her husband David, a long-serving priest in the diocese of Masasi. I knew both Marian and David, before they were married, and later who could forget their hospitable Sunday suppers? The narrative reflects the personality of its author, remembered always as a calm presence regardless of external chaos, focused and dedicated.

More widely it adds an important perspective on the impact of independence on voluntary agencies at a time when educational and medical work were being handed over to government departments and, contrary to popular assumptions, a creative and increasingly important partnership was being developed. It says a lot for the new government that it felt secure enough to build on structures, established by foreign agencies and using the skills and experience of existing staff. It also says a lot about the grace and commitment of the voluntary ethos that the transition was so successful. The book makes a serious contribution to the literature of developing Independence.

The book also indicates the significance of links between Tanzanian and British dioceses – a valuable expression of partnership allowing former supporters to maintain relationships of prayer, mutual support and practical engagement.

Of course I have a few criticisms; the use of apostrophisation of Swahili vocabulary, the questionable use of Tanganyika in the title, the episodic nature of the later pages, but these reflect editorial preconceptions and preferences and should be disregarded in the overall heroic tale of a life, of two lives, totally committed to the tasks they confronted in God’s mission through the church in that unique part of Tanzania, Masasi.
David Craig

MARA! Africa bridges the gap between Church and Life; Bill Jones, Aliquid Novum, 2013, p/b 213 pp, ISBN 978-0-9926806-0-2 £10.99

This handsomely illustrated book is the story of the Anglican Diocese of Mara, situated between Lake Victoria and the Serengeti. From its creation in 1985, its twelve parishes have become 135, and the one diocese has become three. The author writes from his experience of developing its link with the Diocese of Wakefield, England.

Mara’s first priority is ‘Evangelism’. But the way this is implemented differs sharply from the way it is often understood in England. Christians in Mara do not worry about how to get people into church. On the contrary, the church gets itself involved in life outside, with its problems and opportunities.

So the church asks: ‘Where are you now? Where do you want to be? How can we get there – together?’ Think of the characteristic challenges of Tanzanian life: agriculture and animal husbandry, malaria, HIV-Aids, clean water, nutrition, health, education, disabilities, gender issues, and much more.

All these form the church’s agenda. It has departments to embrace all these facets of life, led by laity as much as clergy, by women as much as men. The church brings ideas and experience. It shows people how they can do it – for themselves – in ways that are local, sustainable and accountable. The problems are discussed with those who face them. For example, secondary school girls are expected at home to spend time not with homework but with pots, pans and 1001 other ‘women’s’ jobs. So Mara is building a new Girls’ High School where they will board and so get a better chance in life.

The church does not ask people to change their religion or give money. But people see what it is doing and ask ‘Why?’ Before long they may say, ‘Could we do that here?’; ‘Can we be Christians too?’ Then the Church Planting Department responds by sending a team to visit and teach. If they are well received, an evangelist may go to live there, supported by the Diocese. A growing group of Christians may want a pastor and eventually a building. It is up to them, but the Church is essentially people, not structures.

The Church in Mara has become a mini welfare state, widely appreciated and motivated by love for God and neighbour. The phrase most commonly heard in Mara is Bwana asifiwe (Praise the Lord)! Out of gratitude, they aim to transform lives, their own and others’. But where does the money come from? Partly from overseas partners; partly from income-generating projects; essentially by self-reliance, as Nyerere, born in the region, taught us all. But Bishop Omindo says that often he just does not know. If they feel sure God is leading them, they start a new project and slowly, as they pray, funds materialize.

Members of the B-T Society know how much small sums achieve in Africa. But this book describes a two-way partnership. We get at least as much from Mara as they get from us. Tanzania is now Africa’s third biggest producer of gold, mined in Mara and elsewhere. How, asks Chapter 15, are Tanzania’s peas­ants affected for good or for bad by the extraction of this colossal wealth from beneath their feet? This topic warrants another book, as does the big question: In what pressing issues of life should Churches get involved – and how – if they are once again to have a transforming impact in our world?
Roger Bowen

MINING AND SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION IN AFRICA- Mineralizing and Democratizing Trends in Artisanal Mining. Edited by Debora Fahy Bryceson and others. Routledge 2013. ISBN 978 0 415 833707, h/b 217 pp. £80.

This collection of eleven research papers on artisanal mining in Tanzania represents a most welcome addition to the literature on mining in Africa. Its theoretical frameworks for artisanal mining also have possible relevance in other parts of the developing world. Unlike most studies of artisanal mining (AM) with their focus on matters such as conflicts with large-scale mining, legal arrangements, environmental side effects and the like, this work drills down minutely into the social and cultural changes that are associated with the growth of AM. It develops an important central proposition that growing settlements of artisanal miners result in new shared economic and social norms including occupational norms and codes of conduct designed in large part to address the endemic risks in artisanal mining activities. A parallel proposition is that this process of change also has strong democratizing tendencies but that it can distance the artisanal miners from the established arrangements in the agrarian economy and from those in both mainstream and traditional governments.

The Introductory paper by Bryceson and Jesper Bosse Jonsson concisely outlines the main lines of the argument and also the Tanzanian historical and mining backgrounds. Part I in five chapters probes the motivations of the Tanzanian artisanal miners as well as their migration patterns, their career progressions and their family and gender relations within newly establishing AM settlements. Chapter 4 on the sexual mores and gender relationships and Chapter 6 on mining, magic and murder in Sukumaland provide fascinating insights about how traditional practices (e.g. the use of “healers”) have been amended by the social dynamic introduced in newer settlements of artisanal miners.

Part II in four chapters looks at the institutional arrangements in AM settlements to address matters such as ethical trading arrangements, and the distribution of product and of returns. Chapter 7 by Jonsson and Niels Fold starts from the proposition that top-down policy approaches to “embrace” AM have failed globally and have certainly been very inadequate in Tanzania. The authors claim that this is partly because the AM industry is far less tidily structured than is assumed by most mining legislation, such as Tanzania’s new Mining Act of 2010. Their argument provides extremely valuable evidence to back this up.

Part III is a single chapter by Bryceson and Eleanor Fisher assesses the possible future contributions of AM in Tanzania and elsewhere. Their central argument is that artisanal miners cannot be stereotyped in the manner often employed as “adventurers transgressing the boundaries of acceptable society” but as groups with the potential at least to “uplift their local communities and stimulate democratic principles” (pg179). As one part of a many stranded argument to develop this central proposition, the authors point to the potential advantages of AM (relative to large-scale mining) in averting the so-called “mineral resource curse” which in so many ways is inimical to democracy. But here they tantalize by not really addressing the central question of how large-scale mining (crucial in Tanzania for the huge investments needed for deep and other complex mineral extraction) can best co-exist with the potentially expandable AM sector (with its own positive characteristics of much higher levels of job creation and superior democratizing tendencies). Further since both large-scale mining incursions and expanding AM create deep, but different patterns of social and cultural change, how can the two together co-exist with the prevailing mores of an established agrarian economy as well as with traditional mainstream governance arrangements which themselves may often be only weakly “democratic”?

Overall this is a scholarly, well –structured, clearly written, and very interesting volume which should be essential reading for anyone designing policy for artisanal mining in countries such as Tanzania.
Alan R. Roe

LETTERS FROM EAST AFRICA; Christopher Gallop, Grosvenor House Publishing, 28-30 High St, Guildford GU1 3EL; ISBN 978 1 78148 628 3, p/b 232pp

It must be hard for the younger generation to imagine a time, a mere half century ago, when immediate communication with family and friends across the globe, was virtually impossible – no mobile phones or emails. Certainly no Skype. Tearful goodbyes at dockside or airport could be a prelude to two or three years of separation with only those blue air letters to look out for when the postman called.

Christopher Gallop has made this period in post-colonial history very real by giving the reader an insight into correspondence between his parents during a short period in January 1964, which coincided with an insurrection in Dar es Salaam, later known as the Dar Mutiny. The author’s father, Robin, an export manager, was posted to Dar at this time to search out lucrative finance con­tracts in post-independence Tanganyika. Robin’s wife, Jill, and their young son Christopher (the author, then aged two), were to remain at home in England, chiefly because another pregnancy was underway.

Robin and Jill wrote lovingly to each other almost every day, her letters full of cheerful domestic detail: the “TV has gone mad tonight … the kettle also packed in … I mended it beautifully but have one mysterious screw left over… Christopher sends big, big hugs”. Robin in return would describe his new environment and daily routine: “the faithful Bunga appears with tea punctually every morning … the tea is a reddish glutinous stew, and the milk tinned”.

As Robin became involved willy-nilly in the army insurrection, he was con­cerned to let Jill know that he was all right, though not knowing what news if any had reached her. And, of course, the situation was unfolding on the ground all the time. The author, with hindsight, is anxious to give us a balanced assessment of what the insurgence was about, pointing out that for many Tanganyikans the pace of change since independence was not fast enough. Among the troops especially, it was felt that the British Officers in charge ought to go home, leaving Tanganyikans to run the show.

In Zanzibar a far more horrendous revolution was taking place, not only anti-Imperial but also anti-Arab. It is estimated that possibly 50,000 Arabs were killed. With things increasingly getting out of hand, Nyerere found himself in the invidious position of having to request help from the British Government. With the arrival of the Royal Navy, peace was finally restored and the Republic of Tanzania was eventually formed.

The author has interleaved his parents’ letters with helpful explanatory chap­ters. He also brings in his own early family memories including the sometimes tricky relationship he had with his parents. Jill, in her turn, also had problems with her parents whilst she remained in England. The book, sub-entitled a Brief Family Memoir, will also appeal to those interested in post-independence Tanganyika.
Jill Watson

BUSINESS, POLITICS AND THE STATE IN AFRICA. Tim Kelsall et al. Published by Zed Books. ISBN 978 1 78032 421 0; p/b pp190

Many countries in sub-Saharan Africa there have seen a significant improvement in their macro-economic performance since 2000, with Tanzania at the forefront. IMF figures show that real GDP growth averaged only 2.9% a year in the period 1991-2000, but in the decade 2001-2010 averaged 7% a year. After a very modest dip to 6.4% in 2011, growth quickly rebounded to around 7% in 2012 and 2013, and looks set to stay at this level in 2014.

For most economic observers, these are not just paper numbers. Anyone visiting Dar es Salaam and other major urban areas can see the new shopping centres, tower blocks, hotels and the increasing traffic congestion. It is most visible in Dar, and the anecdotal evidence is supported by the recently published 2011/12 Household Budget Survey.

But what does this mean more widely? Despite the talk of an emerging middle class, is this actually occurring and is the growth translating into sustained poverty reduction? And is this growth leading to structural transformation of the economies? It is this second question this book is really looking at. In particular, it asks whether countries have the political and state structures to implement a more comprehensive industrial policy to drive the type of transformation seen in East Asia in the latter half of the 20th century and to sustain growth over the next decade. Although the authors are broadly in favour of countries adopting a pro-active industrial policy, they are very aware of the problems that this approach can lead to – such as how to balance the potential benefits (rapid private sector growth) and pitfalls (monopolies and corruption).

The authors develop a model to show the best political structure for an inter­ventionist industrial policy, which is likely to be most effective in countries characterised by developmental patrimonialism.

Centralisation Low, Time Horizon Short – Competitive clientelism
Centralisation Low, Time Horizon Long – Ineffective development state
Centralisation High, Time Horizon Short – Non-development kleptocracy
Centralisation High, Time Horizon Long – Developmental patrimonialism

While it is relatively easy to find periods when East Asian countries did follow this broad approach, the book arguably does not provide enough evidence to show where this model worked best . In order to examine which countries fit the model, the book draws on examples from Tanzania, Ghana, Ethiopia and Rwanda, with other examples in earlier chapters from Kenya and Malawi. For myself, the wide scope of the book is hugely interesting and the compare- and -contrast element highly illuminating.

In particular, the chapter on Tanzania is worth reading, as it is based on the work of Brian Cooksey and his vast knowledge of the country. The depth of anecdotal knowledge is something I really enjoyed, although for those of a more academic bent it may lack rigour. The balanced nature of the argument throughout the book is also clear in the discussion on the need for state intervention, and for the state to step aside, in the two case studies – the gold and horticultural sectors. The Tanzania chapter is summed up in a couple of lines in the conclusion: ‘Growth has been steady, and macroeconomic management, with a few blips, has generally been sound. However, the country seems stuck in a state of moderately high growth without entering take off, while poverty reduction remains poor. Recently there has been some progress in manufacturing, but it is too soon to say whether or not this will be sustained. We are inclined to be sceptical.’

Others are not as sceptical for sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. The Economist on 8 February ran a good summary – Manufacturing in Africa; An Awakening Giant. The drawback with this article, and some other research, is that Ethiopia is held up as a prime example of where this change is happening. Tim Kelsall argues in this book that Ethiopia, along with Rwanda, may well have the right political structures where real change is a plausible possibility in the coming years. As the chapter on Ethiopia concludes, the new manufacturing enterprises being set up in the country ‘have a reasonable chance of success and they will in time make a significant contribution to structural transformation which is lagging behind growth and poverty reduction’.

This focus on the importance of manufacturing in driving growth and structural change is hardly new – witness Roger Riddell’s book Manufacturing Africa (1990). The argument that Africa needs a manufacturing revolution – or at least a deeper structural transformation – to maintain the growth momentum is becoming more pressing. As the demographic transition really hits Africa in the coming decade, the young will need employment – and only the manufacturing sector can feasibly absorb the number of new entrants to the job market. This is the only option, but it seems the most likely at this point.

And this in turn takes us back to the questions the book tries to answer. What political structure can best foster this? And can enough countries get the ball rolling to give momentum to the whole continent? Can Tanzania be in this first wave? On balance, this book’s answer is ‘probably not.’ I suspect that this may well the case; but sometimes it can be better to be a late front runner in a long race.
David Cowan

RETURN TO ZANZIBAR. Roger Webber. Matador, ISBN 9781783061211 p/b 429pp

Roger Webber’s book opens with a map of Africa with a spider’s web of travel routes covering the whole continent, and I felt that I was in for a treat of travel.

Roger’s early life was spent in Zanzibar and his descriptions of the island and its history are wonderful. In the early days of East African Airways he flew between Zanzibar and Nairobi to attend boarding school and I was reminded of my own schooldays when he describes picking fruit to subsidise the monotonous diet.

Returning to a cold England, Roger was always thinking about a return to Zanzibar and his attempt at the overland route in the school holidays was thwarted by thieves who stole his belongings in Sicily. When he finally made his trip back, his account reads like a Boys Own Paper story. After qualifying as a doctor, Roger spent the next twenty years in the Solomon Islands before eventually returning to work in Mbeya.

Roger then goes on to describe his travels throughout Africa. His exploits cover 66 years and are truly amazing. His descriptions of the places he visits are very evocative and make this book a cracking read – and may keep you up late.
David Holton

DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH

by Hugh Wenban-Smith

These articles on development research in Tanzania, from journals in the LSE library, cover July to December 2013. The abstract is an abridged version of that published by the author(s).

Heroes of the road: Race, gender and the politics of mobility in twentieth century Tanzania, Grace, J. Africa Vol. 83(3).
Abstract: This article follows the careers of two African drivers in social environments that circumscribed their movement and access to technol­ogy. It begins with Vincent Njovu, whose memoir ‘The First Driver of Tanganyika’ describes the driver’s ability to navigate racial hierarchies of movement and technology, including the unlikely circumstances in which he fell in love with an ideal colonial machine. It then explores post-colonial cultures of gender and modernization by using the unpublished memoirs of Hawa Ramadhani, a woman who used auto­motive skills learned among nuns in the 1940s to become Tanzania’s most respected driver. Paired together, the life histories of these driv­ers challenge historical narratives in which movement and technology (roads and motor vehicles, in particular) are used to discuss Africa’s marginalization and decline. Instead they show how transgressive practices of mobility can be used to challenge social and political orders, and inspire new ways to think and act at uncertain historical junctures.

Wildlife management in Tanzania: State control, rent seeking and community resistance, Benjamin TA, Goldman MJ, Minwary MY & Maganga FP, Development and Change Vol. 44(5).
Abstract: Despite a decade of rhetoric on community conservation, cur­rent trends in Tanzania reflect a disturbing process of re-consolidation of state control over wildlife resources and increased rent-seeking behaviour, combined with dispossession of communities. Whereas the 1998 Wildlife Policy promoted community participation and local benefits, the subsequent policy of 2007 and the Wildlife Conservation Act of 2009 returned control over wildlife and income from sport hunt­ing and safari tourism to central government. These trends, which sometimes include the use of state violence and often take place in the name of ‘community-based’ conservation, are not, however, occurring without resistance from communities. This article draws on in-depth studies of wildlife management practices at three locations in northern Tanzania to illustrate these trends. The authors argue that this outcome is more than just the result of the neo-liberalisation of conservation. It reflects old patterns of state patrimony and rent-seeking, combined with colonial narratives of conservation, all enhanced through neo­liberal reforms of the past two decades. At the same time, much of the rhetoric of neo-liberal reforms is being pushed back by the state in order to capture rent and interact with villagers in new and oppressive ways.

Being ‘Chagga’: Natural resources, political activism and identity on Kilimanjaro: Bender, MV Journal of African History Vol. 54(2). Abstract: This article argues that the emergence of Chagga political identity on Mount Kilimanjaro in the 1940s and 1950s can best be understood as a product of intensive debates over the control of natural resources and the nature of chiefly authority. As a result of perceived threats to the land and water resources of the mountain, and resent­ment of the role of chiefs in these issues, grassroots activists adopted a language of unity using the term ‘Chagga’ – a moniker long used by the colonial state but eschewed by the general population. With the rise of a paramount chieftaincy in 1951, the term shifted from being a symbol of colonial rule to one of common identity and resistance against the encroachment of the colonial state in local affairs.

The constraints on climate change adaptation in a city with a large development deficit: The case of Dar es Salaam: Kinusi, R. Environment and Urbanization Vol. 25(2).
Abstract: Dar es Salaam, with a population of more than four million, has no climate change adaptation plan. It also has a very large devel­opment deficit and lacks adequate provision for infrastructure and services, such as piped water, sewers, drains and solid waste collection. Addressing this deficit (and building the institutional and financial capacity to do so) is also important for building resilience to climate change impacts. Eighty per cent of the city’s population lives in infor­mal settlements, but there is little effective land use management and a number of these settlements are on sites that flood regularly. Climate change impacts include sea level rise, rising temperatures and increased occurrence of extreme weather, including rainstorms and droughts, all of which present challenges to city and municipal governments that are struggling to reduce the development deficit. This paper discusses the measures being taken to address this deficit and where and how these measures can be accompanied by improved disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation.

Planning the unplanned: Incorporating agriculture as an urban land use into the Dar es Salaam master plan and beyond: Hallovan A. & Magid J. Environment and Urbanization Vol. 25(2).
Abstract: Despite significant contributions to human health, livelihoods and food security, urban agriculture in Dar es Salaam has received rela­tively little political support from central and local government due to its informal state. As a result, many urban farmers experience insecurity of land access and ownership, and are unable to invest in the improve­ment of their land, inputs and infrastructure. Although there have been several attempts by various international and foreign organizations to legitimize and institutionalize urban agriculture in Dar es Salaam, very little has changed politically over the last 30 years. This study focuses on the current incorporation of urban agriculture into the Dar es Salaam 2012-2032 Master Plan (still unapproved as of June 2013), and examines how local and central governments legitimize the practice of urban agriculture.

Enrolment and grade attainment following the introduction of free primary education in Tanzania: Hoogeveen J & Rossi M. Journal of African Economies Vol. 22(3).
Abstract: The elimination of all primary school fees in January 2002 in Tanzania marked the start of the ambitious Primary Education Development Plan (PEDP). This programme aimed to enhance not only access to primary education but also the quality of teaching. The paper examines the effects of the introduction of free primary educa­tion on school enrolment and grade achievement. Data from the 2001 Household Budget Survey (HBS), collected just before the reform, and the 2007 HBS, collected 5 years into the programme, are employed to examine these effects. This is done by running a difference-in-difference comparison, using a before-and-after comparison for age cohorts that did and did not benefit from the reform. School fee elimination is found to have enhanced enrolment rates significantly, with girls and children from poorer families benefiting most. The impact of the reform on grade achievement however is found to have been negative, particu­larly for those living in rural areas and children from poor households. PEPD, thus, created a dilemma as increased opportunities for one set of deserving children went at the expense of opportunities for other, equally deserving children.

Medical auxiliaries and the negotiation of public health in colonial
north-western Tanzania:
Webel, M Journal of African History Vol. 54(3). Abstract: This article investigates the development and employment of African medical auxiliaries during the German campaign against sleep­ing sickness in colonial north- west Tanzania. A case study from the kingdom of Kibiza demonstrates how widespread illness and colonial public health interventions intersect with broader political and social change in the early 20th century. Ziba auxiliaries known as gland feel­ers operated within overlapping social and occupational contexts as colonial intermediaries, royal emissaries and familiar local men. The changing fortunes of the campaign and its auxiliaries illustrate how new public health interventions became a means for the kingdom’s population to engage with, or avoid, both royal and colonial power.

From donorship to ownership? Budget support and donor influence in Rwanda and Tanzania: Swedlund, HJ Public Administration and Development Vol. 33(5).
Abstract: This article analyses the relationship between budget support and ownership, or recipient country control over policy outcomes, by exploring how budget support donors in Rwanda and Tanzania attempt to exert influence over domestic policy processes. In contrast to the con­ventional rhetoric about budget support, empirical analysis finds little evidence that budget support decreases the influence the donors try to exert over recipient country governments. Instead, semi-structured interviews with donor and government representatives in each country suggest that the aid modality is often used as a tool by which donors attempt to increase their leverage over domestic decision-making. In particular three mechanisms are frequently used by budget support donors to influence domestic policy processes – voice amplification, a seat at the table and a licence to ask questions.

TA ISSUE 107

TA 107 cover features British International Development Secretary, Justine Greening

TA 107 cover features British International Development Secretary, Justine Greening

British Aid – New Direction
Mandela and Tanzania
Chadema’s Crisis
Transport in Dar es Salaam
Visiting Kilwa Kisiwani

A pdf of the issue can be downloaded here

AN APOLOGY – TO RICHARD BEATTY OBE

Publishing an obituary of someone who is very much alive is the kind of nightmare editors greatly fear. I have been editing Tanzanian Affairs for 28 years and this is the only time that this has happened.

When I realised what had happened I did what governments do when they are in trouble. We launched an investigation!

Firstly, I came to the conclusion that this document must have passed through my hands at some stage – at present we are juggling with about 80 different stories for our next issue – but my memory is not what it used to be and I can’t remember. Another quite plausible possibility has been suggested. Someone might have sent us an article about your OBE award in the hope that we would publish it and the document might have got into the wrong file i.e. OBIT file instead of OBE file. But we still really don’t know how it happened.

I hope you have already received short apologies from members of our editorial team. We have removed the obituary from our online edition.

I am feeling very guilty about the distress that this has caused and must add my apologies as humbly as I can.

Am relieved to hear from you that there has also been lots of mirth
about it.

I have found your exhilarating twitter column (@afrenv – highly recommended reading) and realise how much the world would have been a poorer place if the worst had happened.

Sorry I missed you at the WTM in London and hope very much that you will make contact next time you are here. It would be great to hear more about your apparently rip-roaring life.

If you would like us to offer you a complimentary half-page advert in Tanzanian Affairs for your company please let us know.

Yours sincerely,
David Brewin,
Editor, Tanzanian Affairs

BRITISH AID – NEW DIRECTION

by Ben Taylor

Prime Minister Pinda with Justine Greening (extreme right), British High Commissioner Dianna Melrose and the head of DfID Marshall Elliott

Prime Minister Pinda with Justine Greening (extreme right), British High Commissioner Dianna Melrose and the head of DfID Marshall Elliott

The British International Development Secretary, Justine Greening, signalled a shift towards a more pro-business approach for British aid in Tanzania while visiting the country in November. She was accompanied by representatives of 18 British and international business and social enterprises, including Unilever, JCB (construction equipment), Mott Macdonald (engineering consultants), Diageo and SABMiller (brewers), and Swire Pacific Offshore (oil and gas services). It is the first time DfID has hosted such a delegation.

“The Chinese government has invested and it’s time the British government makes sure we’re helping British businesses have that advantage to invest in Africa too,” Ms Greening said.

Investments in agriculture
The Department for International Development (DfID) will invest £20m in four new partnerships with businesses and not-for-profit organisations working in Tanzania. DfID will collaborate with social enterprise and business with loans and equity, generating a return that can be reinvested. The largest partnership is with Unilever, the Wood Family Trust and the Gatsby Foundation.

DfID will invest £7.5m in “a major new tea plantation” in the southern highlands. A second investment in tea production will go to the Tanzania Tea Packers (TATEPA) Wakulima Tea Factory in Rungwe district. DfID will provide up to £2.5m to fund a hydro-power plant that will reduce energy costs and increase the factory’s productivity. Further investments are to Kilombero Plantations Ltd (£6.7m) to finance a rice husk gasification plant and £3.3m to Equity for Tanzania, to enable small agri-businesses and farmers to access finance for agricultural equipment.

These investments were announced by Ms Greening at the launch of a new High Level Prosperity Partnership (HLPP), which was attended by the Tanzanian Prime Minister, Mizengo Pinda. Tanzania is one of five countries to be part of the partnership, alongside Angola, Ghana, Ivory Coast and Mozambique.

DfID hope that the partnership will see the UK and Tanzania create even closer commercial links and will “double the number of UK companies doing business in Tanzania in the renewable energy and agriculture sectors by 2015.” The partnership will focus primarily on four sectors: oil and gas, renewable energy, agriculture and strengthening business environment. The London Stock Exchange Group will provide training to financial professionals, regulators and government officials in Tanzania. Prime Minister Pinda expressed his hope “that this Partnership will open a new window of opportunity to these important areas of cooperation”.

Transport and trade
Later in her visit, Ms Greening announced initiatives aimed at reducing transport costs within East Africa. Following a visit to the Dar es Salaam port, she launched a £10.5m fund to support a scheme run by TradeMark East Africa, called the Logistics Innovation For Trade (LIFT) fund. The LIFT fund will provide match grants to encourage private sector investment in freight and other logistics technologies and busi­ness processes in East Africa. The aim is to reduce transport time along the main transport corridors in East Africa, stimulate further research and create systems for tracking industry performance and efficiency.
East Africa currently has some of the highest freight and transport costs in the world.

A new direction
Justine Greening was keen to emphasise that this initiative represents a change of direction for DfID. “For too long the development world has seen the skills and potential of the private sector as something separate to its own efforts,” she said. “I want to take a different approach. The only way for developing countries to end their dependency on aid is to create more jobs, growth and tax receipts. In the end, for individuals too, a job is the only sustainable route out of poverty. Business can bring much needed investment and innovation at a scale that can be transformational, providing prospects and economic opportunities for communities. It is sensible for us to work with business to make sure their plans help local communities. This is also firmly in our own interest, as we are helping to open up markets for British goods.”

The new approach has attracted criticism that it would benefit the wealthy more than the poor. Christine Haigh, from the World Development Movement said: “It’s clear that this initiative is very much about finding new markets for UK companies and very little about reducing poverty for the majority of Tanzanians”.

The move is the latest evolution of British aid policy in Tanzania since the Conservative-led coalition took office in 2010. There was a reduction in the aid provided as General Budget Support (from 66% in 2010/11 to less than 30% in 2013/14), but an overall increase in total aid linked to the promise to spend 0.7% of British GDP on aid. In 2010/11, DfID spent £150m in Tanzania and this will rise to £192m in 2014/15.

When Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Tanzania earlier in 2013, he signed a $500m bilateral trade deal with Tanzania and agreed a $10bn investment in a new port in Bagamoyo.

MANDELA AND TANZANIA

by Ben Taylor

Nelson Mandela with President Nyerere and Mama Maria Nyerere during his visit to Tanzania after his release in 1990 (source http://ancarchives.org.za)

Nelson Mandela with President Nyerere and Mama Maria Nyerere during his visit to Tanzania after his release in 1990 (source http://ancarchives.org.za)

The death of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela has drawn tributes from the great and the good (and the not so great or good) around the world. Presidents Barack Obama and Jacob Zuma understandably drew the most attention.
Tanzania’s President Kikwete and Mama Maria Nyerere, the widow of Julius Nyerere, attended the funeral service in the village of Qunu. They were both very warmly received. President Kikwete paid tribute to Mandela, taking the opportunity to remind those in attendance, and the watching world, of Tanzania’s role in the anti-apartheid struggle and of the time Mandela spent in Tanzania. In the process, he brought Thabo Mbeki, Mandela’s successor as South African President, to tears. The following is an extract from President Kikwete’s tribute:

“The people of Tanzania would like you to know that you are not alone. They are with you during this difficult period and mourning. They are saying your grief is our grief, your loss is our loss. Nelson Mandela was our leader, our hero, our icon and our father as much as he was yours. The people of Tanzania have lost a great friend and great comrade in arms.

“President Mandela had long standing association with Tanzania. It dates back to the times of the struggle for independence and liberation here in South Africa and in Tanzania. We supported each other at the time of need. It was no accident, therefore, that after the ANC decided to establish the armed wing, the Umkotho we Sizwe, after peaceful means seemed to be futile, Dar es Salaam was Madiba’s first port of call in 1962. He left South Africa secretly and came to newly independent Tanganyika to seek support for the armed struggle and a place to train the MK combatants.

“Though at first President Nyerere had some reservations about when and how to initiate the armed struggle, he accepted Madibas’ request and provided members of the MK both permission to live in Tanzania and places to train. I am sure to the ANC and MK veterans gathered here, names like Kongwa, Mgagao, Morogoro, Mazimbu and Dakawa sound familiar. They may even rekindle nostalgic memories of the life they lived in Tanzania.

“Besides that, Tanzania was generous enough to give cadres of the liberation movements travel documents – passports and all that is needed. Where necessary, they assumed Tanzanian names. When Madiba came to Tanzania he had no passport. He was given a Tanzanian travel document. It facilitated his movement. And I know a number of you used Tanzanian travel documents – I don’t know if Thabo returned his?

“There is another interesting thing about Madibas’ first visit to Tanzania in 1962 which I would like to mention. In order to keep the visit discreet, he did not stay in hotels; he stayed at the home of TANU’s Treasurer who was then the Minister for Commerce and Industries Mr Nsilo Swai. On his departure to his onward trip to Accra, Lagos, Addis and Algiers, he left his boots at Mr Swai’s home in the hope that on his way back he would pick up the boots. Unfortunately, he did not pass through Dar es Salaam and shortly after arriving back in South Africa, Mandela was arrested and imprisoned and spent the 27 years in Robben Island.

“Fortunately, the Swai family kept the boots awaiting his return. In 1995 when Madiba was President of the new South Africa, the pair of brown boots was handed back to him by Mrs Vicky Nsilo Swai the widow of the late Nsilo Swai who died in 1994.

“I have narrated these stories and anecdotes to let people know how far back, the present excellent relations between our two friendly countries and both the ANC and Chama cha Mapinduzi have come from. It is not by accident that South Africa and Tanzania enjoy excellent bilateral relations. We are close friends and allies because our common history unites us.

“Comrades, it is none other than our founding father, first President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, and the first President of the new South Africa, Nelson Mandela who are responsible for this. They built very strong foundations for our bilateral relations. Madiba is very much our leader, our hero, our icon and our father as he is to you. That is why your sadness, grief and sorrow are ours as well. That is why we also join you in celebrating the life of this great man.”

see TA Issue 36 for details of Mandela’s visit to Tanzania in 1990

TANZANIA’S ISOLATION IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY

by David Brewin

Once again Britain and Tanzania seem to be facing a similar dilemma
– how do you join a multilateral organisation aiming to bring neighbouring countries together in the common interest without sacrificing important parts of your own sovereignty? In Europe, Britain was originally forced to delay its entry into the European Union because another member state, France, objected that the country was not ‘European enough’. Then Britain was allowed to enter and it subsequently signed several treaties which were clearly aimed at the ultimate creation of a European Federation. It was many years before Britons began to understand what was happening and how its sovereignty was being undermined. But at the same time, for many the EU offered attractive features in trade and free movement of people that Britain did want.

Over the years the Conservative party almost broke into two on the issue and the anti-EU UKIP party rapidly gained support. The British government has now decided to hold a referendum in 2017 (if it wins the election in 2015) on whether Britain should abandon its close ties with the other EU countries and go it alone.

The ‘Coalition of the Willing’
To the surprise of many, and quite suddenly, Tanzania finds itself facing the same kind of dilemma as Britain, and also a growing isolation. Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda have become known as the ‘Coalition of the Willing’, pushing ahead with political, economic and infrastructure projects, leaving Tanzania side-lined from important discussions. Tanzania was not invited to (or decided to stay away from) several recent EAC meetings. As this issue of TA went to press the ‘Coalition’ were discussing the draft of a federal constitution. Many Tanzanians believe (not without some justification) that Tanzania is not like the other EAC members, so during recent months the government has been trying to put a brake on the rush towards a political federation.

Reactions in Tanzania
At the end of October East African Cooperation Minister Samuel Sitta said that any decision concerning the EAC federation reached only by the ‘willing countries’ would not be recognised by Tanzania. On 7 November, as the crisis escalated, President Kikwete told parliament that Tanzania would never quit the East African Community, and called on her neighbours to be more accommodating. “We have come too far… to give up now….Tanzania has done nothing wrong against any EAC member state…. some leaders are said to be accusing Tanzania of dragging its feet on the integration of the EAC…..we do not have problems fast-tracking the proposed Federation. But this must be done according to the ‘Federation Protocol’…. nowhere is it said that we should skip any of the preparatory steps. But these friends of ours have decided to do so. We want to avoid what happened in 1977 [when the first EAC collapsed].” In an echo of the European Union controversy, he added: “We must bear in mind that economic gains are among the attractions for member states to remain members. If this is not done the political federation will be under threat”.

Contentious issues
The Ugandan newspaper New Vision in October listed other ‘sticking points.’ They included Tanzania’s recent expulsion of refugees; its imposition of a 35% increase in work permit fees on residents of other EAC states; a $200 fee on vehicles crossing into its territory; and its opposition to the use of national identity cards as travel documents within the EAC (because Tanzania had not completed issuing these documents to its own people).

The paper claimed that during the September 2013 terrorist attack on the Nairobi Westgate supermarket, the EAC HQ in Arusha was unable to mobilise and transfer blood to Nairobi because ‘of the complexities of moving such a delicate matter as blood’; and President Kikwete was not present at a meeting in October when Uganda abolished work permit fees for Kenyans and Rwandans. (Thank you Kenneth Mdoe for sending this – Editor)

In early August – in the East African Legislative Assembly, which meets in rotation in member countries – some members had wanted to oust the Tanzanian Speaker who was alleged to favour meeting permanently in its Arusha HQ as a way to save money.

Some observers believe that there is a power struggle going on. Kenya’s economy has always been stronger than the other EA countries, but things are now changing. Foreign investment in Kenya now lags well behind Tanzania and Uganda. Tanzania benefitted from its much longer trade relations with China, dating from when China constructed the TAZARA Railway; and China has now agreed to finance a massive port at Bagamoyo with a capacity far greater than Mombasa and Dar es Salaam put together. Kenya needs a ‘coalition of the willing’ to hang on to the huge trade prospects in Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the DRC and now South Sudan.

The land issue comes first
The first meeting of the Presidents of Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda, without Tanzania, was in Entebbe in June 2013; the second in September in Mombasa. It was revealed that, for Tanzania, land was the major issue. The country has just over half of the land mass of the EAC but less than half under agriculture. With a population explosion under way, Tanzania feared that, under a new Federation, there could be great pressure on it to open its gates to workers from neighbouring countries and its land to foreign buyers or leaseholders.

Dream dashed
Tanzanian columnist Jenerali Ulimwengu wrote in The East African newspaper that moving ahead on EAC integration without Tanzania would amount to trying to “stage Hamlet without the prince”. He also said: “Some of us fear the dream of integration of our countries is in danger of being dashed once again….Our leaders need to stop singing themselves lullabies. If they cannot engage with their natural partners, they will not be able to engage with the artificial ones they have tried to cobble together,” (referring to suggestions about Tanzania’s approaches to the members of the Southern African Development Communty (SADC) as an alternative to the EAC). Ugandan journalist Paul Busharizi wrote in New Vision: “Whatever the reasons at the top, the people of East Africa would hate to see the Community break up again”. In The East African, Tanzanian columnist Elsie Eyakuze wrote that “It is hard to tell how we have fallen into this area of mild disgrace….we are steadily dropping off every popularity chart imaginable”. Like the UK in Europe!

The original concept
The original East African Federation came into being in June 1967. It established joint ownership and operation of services managed by the East African Railways and Harbours; the East African Airways; the East African Posts and Telecommunications; the Inter-University Council for East Africa; and the East African Currency Board. There was also a Court of Appeal for East Africa and an East African Legislative Assembly. It ended when Idi Amin seized power in Uganda and when Kenya became more capitalist and Tanzania more socialist.

Although the EAC is in stormy waters at present, it has some positive achievements to its credit. It has set up a Customs Union and a Common Market. In November it was due to complete a ‘Single Customs Territory’ and work is underway on a Monetary Union. This will be implemented over 10 years, with a single currency to be launched at the last stage, which will culminate in the integration of member states’ financial markets.

New measures bring EAC countries closer
At an extraordinary summit meeting attended by all five EAC Heads of State in Kampala on November 30 some progress was made in bringing Tanzania back on board.

Tanzania argued that its slow decision making was dictated by the need to get input from its citizens. However, all five presidents signed a Monetary Union Protocol and agreed that all the partner states should conclude the ratification of this by July 2014. They also agreed that the East African passport be launched on November 2014. According to the Uganda Sunday Monitor, the Tanzanian President sat closest to his Burundian counterpart throughout the summit. All participants agreed that it would be necessary to sensitise East African citizens about the benefits of the Union. President Kenyatta said ”Let us all put an end to unnecessary rumour mongering” and President Museveni was said to have lashed out at people who employed tribalism and religion to divide the population.

But, in spite of this, Tanzania has now announced officially that it is starting a new economic partnership with Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The three countries met in Burundi and agreed to develop road, rail and water transportation infrastructure. Meanwhile Kenya with Uganda and Rwanda (now plus South Sudan) has launched a plan to develop a new 500-kilometre standard gauge railway line starting in Mombasa.

The East African is now writing about two competitive ‘coalitions of the willing’ as a possible blessing in disguise to trigger faster development in all seven countries.

TOURISM & ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION

by Mark Gillies

In November the Bank of Tanzania released data for October 2012 to September 2013, which shows an increase in tourism earnings from US $ 1.61 billion to US $ 1.82 billion. Tourism is now the strongest performing economic sector in Tanzania, outstripping all other sectors including gold mining, which had claimed top spot a year ago at a time of record high gold prices.

Loliondo land issue
One piece of good news for the Maasai population of Loliondo, if not for the directors of the Ortelo Business Corporation (OCB), was reported by David Smith in the (UK) Guardian on 7 October, when civil society groups claimed that the Tanzanian government has dropped its plans to annex 1,500 sq km in the Loliondo Concession for a ‘wildlife corridor’. Although it should be noticed that no statement has been made by the Tanzanian government on the issue, Samwel Nangiria, coordinator of the local Ngonett civil society group, described how Prime Minister Pinda spent two and half days in Loliondo in September with the Maasai, who reiterated that the land in question must not be annexed. The Maasai leaders are now in discussions with lands ministry to update the legal status of their land holdings.

If this report does turn out to be correct, the successful model of internet-based, international protest, combined with well-organised and politically engaged local opposition, may be followed by other groups threatened by large scale land appropriation.

Lake Natron
Another Tanzanian government large scale development plan received bad news in November when the National Development Corporation (NDC) published the results of the eight-month scientific study into the environmental impact of the construction of the Lake Natron soda ash extraction plant.

Their dramatic conclusion was that President Kikwete’s directive to proceed with the construction of the plant would ‘almost certainly wipe out East Africa’s lesser flamingo population’. The study demonstrates how the mud flats of Lake Natron are the only place in East Africa where the lesser flamingo can breed. The construction of the soda ash extraction plant would disrupt the movement and feeding patterns of the birds so severely that a secure future would not be possible.

By linking the project to the destruction of a species that has great significance for both Tanzania and Kenya, the NDC has placed a for­midable obstacle in the path of the Tanzanian government, who have dismissed previous opposition as “the work of the mzungu”.

Poaching
The poaching of elephant and rhino for their tusks and horn continues to be a tragic issue across Africa. Tanzania is suffering its sad share of the losses, although the extent is uncertain. In November alone, two large seizures of ivory were made in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar. The Dar seizure weighed over 1.9 tonnes and was estimated to comprise ivory from 200 elephant. Submerged in a strong smelling concoction designed to prevent detection, it was found in the residence compound of three Chinese living in Dar.

The recent wide-scale anti-poaching operation using Ministry of Natural Resources personnel, police and members of the TDF, code named ‘Tokomeza’ has been criticized as badly managed. Individuals were given the chance to settle personal scores and human rights abuses were committed. It was asked why so much activity occurred in northern Tanzania, in the vicinity of the Serengeti National Park, when the majority of the poaching occurs in the remote areas of the Selous Game Reserve. There are unverified reports that Tokomeza has been active in the Selous with a similar ruthless efficiency, but, as ever, stories from that area are difficult to corroborate.

Perhaps, in the not too distant future, human anti-poaching efforts will be assisted by drone technology. Following President Obama’s offer of assistance to the Tanzanian government during his recent visit to Tanzania, conservation groups in the US subsequently contacted the Tanzanian Embassy in Washington DC, which are apparently being considered. (Daily News)