Some newspapers have tended to mislead their readers by their comments on the election of a President. The Economist’s claim that President-elect Mwinyi is ‘Mr. Nyerere’s man’ and the article heading in the Danish Berlingske Tidende: ‘Nyerere chooses his successor’ give a false impression of the electoral process. The first step is taken by the National Executive of the Party, in which the credentials of the candidates are reviewed in detail and eventually agreement is reached on the name of a single candidate to recommend to the National Conference of the Party. It is for the National Conference to accept or reject this recommendation.

It has been suggested that the members of the National Executive would undoubtedly have endorsed President Nyerere’s preference, thus indeed making the selected candidate ‘Nyerere’s man’. But the proceedings are in private and neither we nor the press can know for certain whether he intervened to give his own view. It is very unlikely that he did. President Nyerere was at the greatest pains to follow the democratic procedure laid down in the Constitution and to ensure the widest possible backing for the chosen candidate. Apart from directing attention to one aspect or other requiring to be considered, he is most unlikely to have tried to influence the outcome. Ali Hassan Mwinyi is known to have been popular in Tanzania and the size of his support in the National Conference, 1,731 to 14, in a body widely representative of opinion and containing all the Members of Parliament and 10 members elected by each of the 104 District Conferences of the Party, seems to bear out this impression.

The name of Ali Hassan Mwinyi now goes to the country on 27th. October on the basis of universal adult suffrage for a yes or no vote; to be elected he must attract yes votes from at least half of those voting. The new President will then be sworn in on 4th. November and on the following day the names of the new cabinet will be announced. Under the 1985 Constitution there will be two Vice-Presidents, the person elected as President of Zanzibar and the person chosen by the President as Prime Minister of the Union. As Mwinyi is from Zanzibar, it follows that in the event of his election the Prime Minister will be the First Vice-President and will be from the mainland. This appears to rule out Salim Ahmed Salim as Prime Minister.

J. Roger Carter

‘Le socialisme Tanzanien existe-t-il toujours?’ So began a recent article in ‘Jeune Afrique’, the very widely read weekly which circulates in Francophone Africa. We raised the same issue in our January Bulletin under the heading ‘Socialism and Capitalism’ in quoting a speech by Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu, a former Tanzanian cabinet minister. The same issue has been raised in Britain during President Nyerere’s recent visit on radio and television and in the press. It is also being widely discussed in Tanzania itself, particularly amongst CCM party leaders. For this reason we have two articles on the subject in this issue. The first, by quoting extracts from articles and speeches, explains how the issue arose and what Tanzania’s leaders are saying about it. The second is a detailed review of a broadcast on BBC’s Radio 4 entitled ‘The Tanzanian Experiment’ kindly prepared for us by Dr. Harry Goulbourne of the Centre for Caribbean Studies at the University of Warwick. We hope that these articles will stimulate discussion amongst readers and that they will write and let us know their reactions.

In the last issue we featured a speech by President Nyerere at the Sokoine University of Agriculture. Since then three members of staff from the University have been in the United Kingdom- Ndugu V.L. Kyelule, Head of the Development Studies Unit, Dr. M.E. Mlambiti, Head of the Rural Economy Department and Ndugu J. Ngasongwa, Senior Lecturer in Development Studies. I also met briefly Professor H. Othman, Director of the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Dar es Salaam when he was over here. Tanzania has been something of a pioneer in insisting that all university students should take Development Studies regardless of academic discipline. It is apparent, however, from my discussions with the Sokoine staff, now enjoying their university’s newly gained autonomy, that much serious thinking is going on about both the teaching and research activities in Development Studies at Sokoine. There is a growing feeling that the subject should be less ideologically oriented and should be restructured to give it a broader perspective, This is the reason why all three Sokoine visitors have been to the Institute of Development Studies at Sussex University and the School of Development Studies in East Anglia. We hope to keep you informed of any progress.

Sokoine’s contacts with the United Kingdom are likely to be further strengthened by a link arrangement with Wye College of London University now being discussed. It will cover exchanges of staff, post-graduate training of Sokoine University staff at Wye and joint research activities particularly in the areas of food production, farming systems studies and the role of efficient marketing systems and cooperative societies in agricultural development.

The main event of interest since our last issue has been the visit to Britain of President Nyerere from 17th. to 21st. March, 1985. President Nyerere’s two main speeches concentrated on the debt problem of the Third World and the International Monetary Fund. A note on the part of the Royal Commonwealth Society speech which dealt specifically with ‘Tanzania is given later in this issue.

For those of us who were fortunate enough to be there, the highlight of the visit was the warm, friendly and, by the normal standards of Britain- Tanzania Society meetings, massive reception given by the Society with considerable help from the Tanzania High Commission. Perhaps the most poignant moment of all was the reading by Randal Sadleir of part of Mark Anthonyts speech in praise of Brutus from Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar in a translation made by the President himself:
…kwa nia safi kabisa,
Na kwa faida ya umma, akawa mmoja wao.
Alikuwa mwadilifu mwenye maisha manana;
Na vipaji vilikuwa vimechanganyika kwake,
Miungu wangaliweza kusimama na kusema,
Kwa ulimwengu mzima, ‘Huyu alikuwa mtu!’

It seemed very appropriate1

Many of our readers must have personal recollections of President Nyerere. On the occasion of his retirement from the presidency we have decided to produce a special issue in October, 1985, on the Nyerere years, Whether you knew him as President, politician, teacher, statesman, farmer, orator, poet, or just as a man, we would like to hear from you before 15th. August, 1985. Please send your contributions to David Brewin, Editor, 14B, Westbourne Grove Terrace, London W2 5SD, or by telephone to 01-727-1755. As we have limited space and must achieve a balance we may not be able to print all the contributions sent to us, but I hope this will not discourage you from sending me your contribution.

Tanzania has commended the British Government for putting the spirit of international brotherhood into practice. The commendation was made by the Prime Minister, Salim Ahmed Salim, when bidding advance farewell to workers of Balfour Beatty Construction Limited and of Howard Humphreys, Consultants, who are presently constructing the 307 kilometre Makambaku to Songea road.

He said, besides thanking the British Government for the grant of TShs.1,415 million for the construction of the road, that over 1,600 Tanzanians had benefited from the technological skills they had learned from their co-workers from Britain and that it was hoped that they would use the knowledge gained for the future development of the country. The Prime Minister said that Tanzania was also gratified that the British Government had given a three-year guarantee for the maintenance of the road after its completion in November this gear. He said that it was no secret that Tanzania had built many good roads, but after a short duration they had become mere monuments for lack of maintenance.

The British High Commissioner to Tanzania said that the project, the biggest grant ever given to Tanzania, would be a symbol of cooperation and friendship between the governments and peoples of the two countries. He said that when the road was completed all equipment used for the construction would be handed over to the Tanzanian Government.

Why are so many people talking about this issue this year? I think there are four policy changes announced during recent months which have stimulated the discussion. The first was the severe cost cutting exercise which began in last year’s budget (Bulletin of Tanzanian Affairs No.19) and was directed particularly at the parastatal bodies; it encouraged comparison with private sector efficiency. The second was the announcement on trade liberalisation , which was accompanied by the opening of two foreign exchange shops. The third and perhaps the most significant was the returning to the private sector of certain nationalised sisal estates. The fourth was very recent. President Nyerere stated that:
people with money will be permitted to build houses for rent, but that restrictions would remain in force for party leaders as stipulated in the Acquisition of Buildings Act of 1971. He said the aim was to supplement Government efforts to provide houses for the people. He also said that the circumstances which led to the nationalisation and the law on buildings were no longer relevant.

The following summarises the debate which has since occurred both inside and outside Tanzania.
On the cost cutting exercise and the public and private sectors Mwalimu said , when addressing the diplomatic corps in Dar es Salaam, that: ‘many steps have been taken by Government, and by the people, to tackle the underlying domestic factors which contribute to the low level at which our economy is currently operating. In particular we are trying to improve our efficiency and productivity in Government and parastatal organisations as well as to increase the incentives to our agricultural producers. Some of the steps which we have felt to be necessary do represent temporary set-backs in our struggle to build socialism based on the equality – and equal rights – of all our people. Thus, for example, I do not need to expand upon the extremely tough budget which Government introduced in June. It was a strain upon our people and in the interests of the future- including the need even now to make some new investment – made still further reductions in the real resources allocated to basic education, health and public services for our people.’

Ndugu Amir Jamal, Minister of State in the Office of the President, giving a keynote address on ‘Resolving the Economic Crisis’ at Dar es Salaam University, went further in the matter of the parastatals in saying that: ‘the management and workers of public enterprises must make a sustained effort to rid themselves of what can only be termed ‘monopoly psychology’… It has and will continue to cost us dear unless we realise that socialist construction will lose its meaning if , in actual performance, it is seen to replace, rather inefficiently, monopoly capitalism… It will be necessary over the years to introduce competitive management of our economy through policies and programmes aimed at productivity … capital formation and eventual elimination of inflation. ‘

At his London press conference President Nyerere was asked whether recent changes in the parastatals meant that he was abandoning socialism. His answer was direct:
‘This is another wish… that people have that will not come true. We have a very large public sector. It is unlikely that all parts of it will be efficient… We have much more experience about better structures than we had at the beginning. We want them (the parastatals) to be more efficient and more socialist. Some would like us to abolish them and turn to private enterprise to solve our problems… Private enterprise does not work that much better. Most African countries are in trouble and most are non-socialist.

In his address at the Royal Commonwealth Society President Nyerere moved on to the subject of private foreign investment.
‘Another solution frequently urged upon African and Third World countries is the greater encouragement of private foreign investment. In practice, investors are rarely interested in long term investment and are very selective. They are – understandably in the light of the genuine difficulties that exist – reluctant to go to really poor countries because their aim is profit, not development. It has been estimated that less than 10% of the foreign direct investment in the Third World is to be found in countries with a per capita gross domestic product of 500 dollars or below. Nevertheless, we are told that the solution is to make the conditions more attractive to investors. There are many African countries which try . But however capitalist-oriented the African country, success is very limited. Even Europe apparently cannot make private investment more attractive than it is in the USA; it is therefore difficult to see how Africa could do so. Especially when at the same time African states are being told to cut expenditure and generally add to austerity among the population- thus adding to social and political instability .

On the other hand he pointed out in a recent interview in ‘New Africa’ that the tyre factory in Tanzania was a joint venture with an American company and that the agreement had been entered into after the Arusha declaration. When asked whether he did not consider this as going against socialist principles, he said that he believed in the saying ‘use the capitalist system if you want to develop socialism.

On the subject of trade liberalisation it is clear that party members have been expressing some concern. Addressing members of staff at the Party Zonal College in Zanzibar on the occasion of the 21st. anniversary celebration of the Zanzibar revolution, Ndugu Rashidi Kawawa, Secretary General of the Party, said that liberalisation of trade was not a compromise in the implementation of the country’s socialist policy. The Party was as committed as ever before to building socialism in the country. ‘The trade liberalisation process is a deliberate tactical move aimed at stemming off a negative political climate.’ He explained that when consumer goods were scarce people with or without money complained bitterly and the few available goods could only be obtained at astronomical black market prices.

More recently, speaking to District party leaders at Kivukoni CCM Ideological College, President Nyerere indicated that the decision might be reviewed and that the relaxation should have lasted only six months ‘to entice people who might have siphoned hard currency out of the country to plough it back.’ However, he said that ‘the Government had no immediate plans to review the liberalisation announced last year, but he warned against contravention of the procedures governing the concession. He said that those who wanted to import must abide by the list of items issued by the Government and those who wanted to import additional items should seek permission from the Government. Mwalimu told party leaders that some importers had brought in such petty items as lipsticks, which were not listed for importation. Under the concession, Tanzanians working abroad or those returning home can import any of the designated items without having to state how they obtained the money to customs officials at the entry points. The items are motor vehicle spares and accessories, industrial machinery and spare parts, tractors and spare parts, road haulage and passenger carrying vehicles, garments, piece goods, cooking oils, shoes and shoe polish, socks and stockings, toothpaste, tooth brushes and soap, building materials, electrical fittings, fishing and carpentry equipment.

It is the change of structure of the sisal industry which has received most prominence in Tanzania with headlines in the Daily News- “Badly run TSA (Tanzania Sisal Authority) Estates to Go” and ‘TSA to sell 12 Estates’ on May 5th. and 8th. 1985 respectively. The first article reads:

‘President Nyerere has directed that all sisal estates which are badly managed in Tanga Region should be handed over to private firms capable of managing them, or should be turned over to villages for crop farming.
Addressing Regional leaders at the end of his three day visit to Tanga Region yesterday, Mwalimu said it was a shame that sisal estates managed by the Tanzania Sisal Authority were turning into bush. Mwalimu told the leaders that sisal, which was the leading crop in the Region and in the past one of the country’s important export crops, today comes fourth as a foreign exchange earner after coffee, cotton and tea. He admitted that it was a mistake to nationalise sisal estates in 1967 without considering the management aspects as was done in the case of key industries and commerce.
The President directed that abandoned TSA sisal estates should be turned over to villages to use them to grow food and cash crops, adding that the Regional Authorities should also not ‘be ashamed to hand over badly managed estates to capable private firms, ‘We nationalised sisal estates, but now it appears we have failed to manage them. It is not a bad idea to hand them over to private firms with the ability to run them, he said.

Sisal production at nationalisation was put at about 220,000 tonnes per year, but for a number of reasons, including poor management, this declined to 202,000 tonnes in 1970 and 174,000 tonnes in 1974. By last year production stood at 47,000 tonnes and the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock announced measures to raise sisal fibre output to 66,000 tonnes this year. All sisal farms were to be cleaned up while raising the number of sisal cutters , planting fresh sisal, rehabilitating vehicles and improving the welfare of sisal estate workers.’

Three days later, the Minister for Agriculture and Livestock Development, Professor John Machunda, gave directions on the matter and said that 12 estates had been earmarked for sale. He said the list of the 12 estates was drawn up in November last year, after which an advertisement for the sale of the farms totalling 30,006 hectares was put up by TSA. Professor Machunda told reporters that many prospective buyers for the estates had already responded, but declined to name them. ‘What is now awaited is an evaluation report on the estates before the Government decides on their sale, the Minister said, Of the 12 estates , only Kwashemshi and Mwele/Muhinduru estates in Tanga Region had been valued, Five were in Tanga Region and the rest were situated along the central railway line. A few days later the Guardian, quoting the Associated Press, added a remark by President Nyerere that ‘if I call back the British today to look at their former sisal estates, I am sure they will laugh at us because we ruined their estates.

In a short but tough interview on BBC television’s Newsnight programme during Mwalimu’s visit to Britain, Peter Snow asked: ‘Is there not some way in which the system, particularly the agricultural system, the communal socialism which you introduced in Tanzania… is it not that, in part ,that has caused the failure of your country to produce what it should be producing?’
The President replied :
‘What do you say to that ? African agriculture is backward in socialist and non-socialist countries alike . In my country we use the hand hoe. In capitalist countries in Africa they use the hand hoe. That defines the limits of what the peasant can do. The difference between a socialist country like Tanzania and a non socialist country is that the burdens of poverty are shared better in a socialist country than they are in a non-socialist country.’

Later he was asked why the IMF should not demand that Tanzania’s economy should be run more efficiently before they produce the kind of aid Mwalimu wanted, His reply was as follows:
‘I am trying to get our economic system to be as efficient as it can be. But efficiency in a system of exploitation is an immoral system, where the rich are feeding on the poor.
The President was asked at the Royal Commonwealth Society about the future . ‘Will your ideology be continued?’ He replied , ‘I wouldn’t be stepping down if I wasn’t sure that the policy will continue. Referring to his intention to continue as head of the Party after his retirement from the Presidency Mwalimuu stated in his television interview that in this capacity, in a one-party state, he did not expect to be ‘without influence.’

Certain Newspapers took the opportunity of President Nyerere’s visit to attack Tanzania’s socialist policies, the strongest attack of all being in the Spectator. The Sunday Times profiled the ‘Saint with a Tarnished Halo’. But the Guardian in a prominently featured article entitled ‘The Patient Vision of Julius Nyerere’ by Victoria Brittain was more sympathetic: Some of Tanzania’s most enthusiastic backers in the early attempts to ‘grope towards socialism’, as Nyerere put it two decades ago, have become discouraged at the lack of clear successes. Not Nyerere. ‘I was also more impatient 18 years ago. I set out to build a socialist and self-reliant Tanzania. You ask me, is Tanzania socialist and self-reliant? The answer is no. But I never expected it in 18 years, We were a backward, totally illiterate country. We have had tremendous successes. In 1966 there were 300,000 children in primary school for four years. Today all 3.5 million primary school children are getting seven years of schooling, We have virtually wiped out illiteracy. I remember our youth used to ask me at independence, when will we achieve our goals? Perhaps in 30 years, I used to answer.

The ‘economic disaster of the continent in the 1980’s’ may have set the distant goal back a bit, but it has strengthened Nyerere’s authority as the prophet who got it right and the weak who refused to give in to the strong.
David Brewin