TA 27 cover

The Risk Element in Politics
Mwalimu Nyerere’s Political Legacy
The Kilombero Killings
Informatics Technology
Music and Malaika
Transformation in Kondoa
Zanzibar – Rice, Cloves and Diversification
Friends of Ruaha
A Queen’s Scarf
Students Suspended


Extracts from a paper presented to the Conference on “Tanzania After Nyerere” held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University. A full version with a list of references is being published by Francis Pinter – Editor.

Much has been written on Tanzania’s former President, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere and his political thoughts. To the Christians and social democrats he was a liberal; to the revolutionary nationalists he was the embodiment of the African struggle for freedom and national independence; and, in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s he even won the praise of Marxists. Nyerere thus seems to be everything to everybody, A BBC Television programme once described him as an ‘Idealist in Power’ and he himself once said that he should have been preaching from the pulpit instead of being President of a Republic.

Any understanding of the transformation of Tanzania in the last 25 years must be preceded by an evaluation of its leader because Nyerere has effectively dominated the Tanzanian political scene for more than 30 years. Despite his absence from the State Presidency he will continue to be a great influence on the country for a long time to come even after he retires as CCM Chairman in 1987.

The Party
In his “Ujamaa – the Basis of African Socialism” Nyerere dismissed the idea that classes had existed in pre-colonial African societies claiming instead that these societies were living in tranquillity and peace and had seen no antagonistic contradictions. He felt that it was possible for Africans, regardless of their social backgrounds to come together in national movements and to retain unity after independence. He failed to see that the different social groups had come together during the colonial period only because each one of them was affected in some adverse way by colonialism. The nationalist movement that emerged during this time was a united front of classes and not a political party in the Marxist sense.

After the attainment of independence Nyerere insisted on the nationalist organisation retaining its old structure. He did not see the need of transforming the nationalist organisation into a political party. There were debates within TANU regarding the need, especially after 1967 when TANU had declared its intention of building socialism, to transform the organisation into a socialistic political party. Nyerere maintained throughout that TANU would remain a mass party open to every Tanzanian who believed in its objectives and principles. He completely rejected the notion of a vanguard party, saying that the structure of such a party would be like that of the Catholic Church, with a Pope, Cardinals, Bishops etc. The Tanzanian ruling party has till today remained unchanged, a mass organisation comprising people of different social classes and different ideologies. The 1982 Party National Congress voted into the National Executive Committee leading socialists and a few Marxists as well as strong anti-socialists and proponents of capitalism.

Nyerere’s theory was that the existence of a multi-party system in a young country could result in political differences which might be exploited by external powers to destabilise the country. He felt that, in the absence of powerful internal economic groups with divergent political programmes, allowing the existence of a multi-party system was a luxury that a new state could not afford. This position was easily accepted at the time because all political organisations that had existed previously had failed during the elections to gain any meaningful number of votes. Nyerere was therefore encouraged in 1963 to put forward the idea of a one-party system.

In its evolution in the last twenty years the ruling party in Tanzania has undergone several changes. The struggle between those who want the Party to continue as a united front and those who want to purify it into a revolutionary vanguard has continued. Nyerere has throughout the period taken the former stand. In 1977 when TANU on the mainland and the Afro-Shirazi Party in Zanzibar merged to form Chama Cha Mapinduzi, a compromise was struck between the two contending forces. In some of its structures, the Party moved from the British Labour party model into one found among the ruling parties of some of the socialist countries.

One of the achievements Nyerere prides himself on is the existence of a single strong party with powers supreme to any other organ of the State, including the National Assembly. But we do not know how the Party will evolve after Nyerere steps down from its chairmanship in 1987. The possibility of a multi-party system existing in Tanzania in the near future is a difficult one to predict. But what is very clear is that with the absence of Nyerere from the Party leadership the two contending forces will fight it out and whoever wins will make sure that the opposing elements are weeded out of the Party. It is the outcome of the struggle within the Party that will decide whether or not Nyerere’s progressive policies will survive in the post-Nyerere Tanzania.

National Integration
Tanzania is among the few countries in Africa that has been able to attain real national integration. The reasons given are many. It is true that over 120 ethnic groups exist in Tanzania and that there is not a single one that can claim dominance. The fact that some of the country’s leading figures such as Nyerere and Rashidi Kawawa come from small ethnic groups has also contributed to the situation. Swahili is spoken and understood throughout the country. At the time of independence there was no strong national bourgeoisie in the country and the petty bourgeois intellectuals that emerged have not been completely uprooted from their peasant backgrounds.

There were past attempts to disturb the national unity attained. In 1985 there was a strong trend in Zanzibar which almost threatened to break up the Union itself. The Zanzibaris themselves, with the help of Nyerere, were able to overcome this threat and the result was the forced resignation of the President of Zanzibar.

National integration can therefore be said to be one of the important legacies that Nyerere has bestowed on Tanzania. It is difficult to conceive of any struggle being won along tribal or religious lines. Tanzanians are highly politicised and they identify with each other, not because of common ethnic backgrounds or common religious beliefs but because they share economic or political interests.

In 1967 Tanzania declared its intention to build socialism on the basis of self-reliance. This attracted the attention of many. To social-democrats in Europe this heralded the possibility of seeing the realisation of their ideals in an African Set-up. Imperialist powers, on the other hand, were afraid that Tanzania would set up an example to the rest of Africa. From 1967 then Tanzania’s actions in the domestic and international arenas were judged in accordance with the terms of the Arusha Declaration. Tanzania’s close relations with China or its granting of diplomatic status to the German Democratic Republic were seen as tendencies to further integrate Tanzania within the Eastern orbit. But, as Nyerere keeps reiterating, the Arusha Declaration should be viewed as a statement of intent. Neither in 1967 nor now 20 years after has Tanzania become a socialist state.

The Declaration followed discussions within the Tanzanian leadership regarding the development process that the country has been following since 1961. The Declaration should also be seen as the manifestation of a political struggle within the leadership at the time, though the document is attributed to Nyerere, who was able to capture an important movement in Tanzania’s history and to understand the feelings of his people and therefore be able to articulate their sentiments effectively. At that time in Tanzania’s leadership there was no effective and articulate socialist trend and the one person in the TANU leadership who could be said to be radical, namely Oscar Kambona, turned out later to be the very person opposed to the leadership conditions that went with the Declaration. Nyerere can therefore be said to be the intellectual power behind the Declaration.

The late Walter Rodney, in his article “Ujamaa versus Scientific Socialism” tried to present some elements of the Ujamaa philosophy as being identical with aspects of scientific socialism. One person who disagreed and who, in fact, was always at pains to disassociate the Ujamaa concept from the science of socialism, was Nyerere himself. He maintained that Ujamaa had got its roots in the African traditional society which had no classes. He completely discouraged the notion of class struggle and believed strongly that it was possible to “evolve” into socialism. In fact in many of his foreign policy statements one can see a real attempt to distance himself from a Marxist perspective.

Nyerere’s major contribution to the socialist debate in Tanzania has been in putting socialism on the agenda and in allowing different schools of socialist thought, including the Marxist one, to contend. Some of the progressive achievements of the Nyerere era are now under threat, especially with the acceptance of the IMF conditionalities but he will definitely go down in history as the person who raised the prospect of socialist development in Tanzania.

African Liberation.
Tanzania’s position on liberation is well known. Almost all the liberation movements in Africa have enjoyed sanctuary in Tanzania. Nyerere has always been non-racial in his perspective and this at times got him into conflict with his colleagues. During the days of independence he rejected the position of “Africanists” within TANU who put forward the slogan “Africa for the Africans” meaning Black Africans. This led the “Africanists” to march out of TANU and form the African National Congress. In 1958 at the TANU National Conference in Tabora when some of the leaders strongly opposed TANU’s participation in the colonially-proposed tripartite elections, where the voter had to vote for three candidates from the list of Africans, Asians and Europeans, Nyerere stood firm in recommending acceptance of the proposals.

Nyerere has always believed in peaceful means in the struggle to achieve certain political ends. When he was faced with a situation of whether to go into prison or pay a fine, he preferred the latter, not so much because he did not want to make himself a political martyr, but because, in his absence, things might have got out of hand and violence might have erupted.

However, when he is faced with a situation where all peaceful means are closed, Nyerere has never hesitated to advocate violence against an oppressive regime. A few months before Britain handed over power to the Sultan’s regime in Zanzibar he appealed to the British Government to reconsider its intention because he felt that if the situation was not rectified to allow the African majority to peacefully take power then violence was inevitable. And in this he was right, because, four weeks after independence, the Sultanate regime was violently overthrown by the opposition parties.

Given this background, one aspect of Nyerere’s position has caused some surprise. He has consistently refused to openly support democratic and socialist forces bent on overthrowing a regime in an existing African state even when it was obvious that the regime was being supported by external forces. He always invoked as his defence the OAU position of non-interference in the internal affairs of another state. Thus the opposition groups operating against Mobutu in Zaire, Ahmed Abdallah in the Comoro’s or Kenyatta, and now Moi in Kenya have enjoyed no open support from Nyerere. One hopes that as the struggle intensifies for what Nyerere calls Africa’s second liberation that this position will be discarded and that it will be possible for Tanzania to give all possible assistance to those fighting for their second liberation.

The Army
In 1961, at the time of independence, Tanganyika inherited a colonial army led by British officers. There were hardly any senior Tanganyikans. This created a problem the result of which was the army mutiny of 1964. The junior army staff demanded higher pay and Africanisation of the armed forces. What Nyerere did as a response to the mutiny was something unique in Africa at the time. He dissolved almost the entire army and created a new one. He demanded also that all those joining the armed forces must be members of the Party and introduced political education as part of army training. The result was the high politicisation of the armed forces. Tanzania was able to reap the benefit of that foresight in 1979 when it went to war against Amin’s Uganda. The army was not only motivated by the desire to recapture part of Tanzanian territory usurped by Amin, but was also committed to overthrowing him because he was perceived as a dictator and a source of tension in East Africa. It is also inconceivable that the Tanzanian army would have played any positive role in the question of African liberation had it not been for its politicisation. It is also possible that the credit for the stability that Tanzania has enjoyed during Nyerere’s Presidency is partly due to this politicised army. In his years in power Nyerere was not without his enemies. There have been conspiracies as revealed in the 1970 and 1985 treason trials. The fact that none of these succeeded supports the thesis that the army considered itself very much part of Nyerere’s regime and had nothing to gain in overthrowing him

The State
Nyerere in all his writings has failed to address himself to the State. Tanganyika at the time of independence inherited a colonial State and its institutions. What Nyerere tried to do was to give the State the national colours. But he never considered dismantling the State or how the new forces that emerged at independence could effectively use it. One can venture to say that part of the problem that has resulted in what is said to be the “failure of socialism” is the reluctance on the part of the leadership and Nyerere in particular, to examine the question of the State. It is baffling that it was thought that a colonially inherited State could be a vehicle for socialist transformation. The one person in the Tanzanian leadership who saw the problem was the late prime Minister, Edward Sokoine, who, in an address to Party cadres in 1983, conceded that the State needed to be overhauled. Unfortunately this was not taken up by the Party or the mass media.

Nyerere’s intellectual and other contributions have taken deep root in Tanzanian society. For the foreseeable future any Tanzanian President and Party Chairman will be judged in accordance with yardsticks set up by Nyerere. Whoever goes against the main tenets of Nyerere’s legacy is likely to not only meet with popular disapproval but to have problems with the Party. There are also certain moral principles that Nyerere laid down which leaders will long continue to be judged by. Moreover any leader pursuing tribal or religious bigotry would find it difficult to sustain his position. Even when, the liberation of South Africa from apartheid is attained it will be difficult to see post-Nyerere Tanzania giving up the struggle for total liberation and real socialism.

Haroub Othman


Mr Christopher Patten, Britain’s new Minister for Overseas Development announced, during his March 1987 visits to the two countries, new British aid grants of £50 million to both Kenya and Tanzania. £25 million of Tanzania’s allocation had been announced earlier during the IMF negotiations. During the last five years Tanzania received £144.93 million in aid (£30m in 1981, £27m in 1982, £39m in 1983, £30m in 1984 and £17m in 1985). Kenya has received over £200 million during the last six years and has been the largest recipient of British aid in sub-Saharan Africa.

£12 million of the new aid for Tanzania is to be for expenditure over the next few years on development projects to be agreed between the Tanzanian and British Governments. £5 to £6 million will be for the railways and the remainder will be additional programme aid, subject to Tanzania maintaining its agreement with the IMF on the programme of economic reforms.


The Tanzanian Government has taken several measures as a result of the recommendations of the Presidential Commission investigating the killing of four sugar cane workers last year at Kilombero. Details of the incident were given in Bulletin No 26.

The Ministry of Agriculture has completely restructured the management, created a new post of Deputy General Manager and transferred a number of senior officials of the Kilombero Sugar Company.

The Morogoro Regional Crimes Officer has been sacked for his mishandling of the incident, the Morogoro Regional Commissioner has been moved to Kigoma and the Regional Police Commander has been recalled to Police Headquarters in Dar es Salaam. The Ministry of Agriculture has also directed the Holding Company, the Sugar Development Corporation (SUDECO) to extend a Shs 10 million loan to the sugar company to finance improved housing for sugar cane cutters.

President Mwinyi has also asked the Party to examine weaknesses in the Sugar Company’s CCM and JUWATA (Trade Union) branches.

Prime Minister Warioba told the National Assembly during its January session in Dodoma that the Government had received and endorsed the Kilombero probe report. He said that the leader of the police team had taken cover in the vehicle he was in as strikers threw stones at them. This left the rest of the group disorganised and they started firing randomly in the air without proper instructions from their leader.

The probe team, under the chairmanship of Judge Chipeta had said that the CCM and JUWATA branches at the factory knew nothing about the worker’s complaints. JUWATA from national to branch levels had not understood and scrutinised the workers complaints. The probe team had also recommended that the Kilombero administration should observe Presidential Directive No 1 of 1970 regarding workers education and participation.

Prime Minister Joseph Warioba said that the police had committed a big mistake and that the incident had embarrassed the Government.


Tanzania has commended the British Institute in East Africa for the good work it has done in promoting research into the country’s past and helping educational institutions to build a broader base of knowledge in that direction, At a recent exhibition entitled “500 Years Ago in East Africa” at the National Museum in Dar es Salaam Mr Jackson Makweta, the Tanzanian Minister of Education underscored the usefulness of exhibitions as reflectors of the past which could help the nation plan the future.

According to the Museums Director, Dr. Fidel Masao, the period depicted the beginning of state formation in East Africa. “Previous archaeological findings have not been of large communities, only two or three people” he said. The exhibition on the ancient irrigation cultivators of Engaruka, Arusha region, showed the earliest evidence of a large settlement community – Daily News

Two hundred and ninety seven of some 500 students at the Sokoine University of Agriculture in Morogoro have been suspended. They refused to stay three in a room in hostels designed for double occupancy. The University administration pointed out that the new requirement was a temporary measure pending completion of an additional hostel. The new hostel, estimated to cost Shs 9.0 million, and to accommodate sixty students should have been completed this year but because of lack of funds construction had to be stopped from July to September last year. It is now expected to be completed in 1988 – Daily News

The French Oil Company TOTAL has bought a 31,000 acre farm in Kinu Valley, Babati from the National Agricultural and Food Corporation (NAFCO). The Company intends to undertake production of essential oil seeds, beans, flowers and coffee for export and sugar cane, rice and barley for local consumption. A ranch is also to be established. This is only one example of an increasing trend in recent months for major international enterprises to invest in Tanzania’s agriculture in support of new Government policies. Britain’s Lonrho has also announced recently a substantial investment programme in Tanzanian agriculture.

Kr Gerry Finch the organiser of the annual gathering known as the Tanganyika Reunion has asked us to indicate that the next reunion will be held at the Royal Commonwealth Society on Friday August 21st at 6.15 p.m. All who attend regularly will be informed in the usual way but any others wishing to participate are invited to get in touch with the organiser at 23,Frobisher Court, Sydenham Rise, London 23. Tel 699 7836.

Mr Brlan J. Hartley (79), a renowned authority on one humped camels (Camelus dromedarius) plans to start camel rearing in northern Tanzania. He arrived recently in Longido, Arusha with some camels and has formed a company “The Tanganyika Camel Company” under which he plans to establish a breeding ground. According to Mr. Hartley’s son Kim Hartley, the main objective is to influence the Maasai to use the Animal.

Mr Kim Hartley said that his father had already introduced the camel to Wasamburu in Kenya.


The comments made in the extracts from the media which follow – and indeed articles in other sections of the bulletin do not necessarily represent the views of the Britain-Tanzania Society. They are published to illustrate the impressions of various writers on what they have seen and heard about Tanzania. – Editor

Africa Events in it’s January/February issue referred to what it described as the agonising dilemma facing Chairman of the CCM Julius Nyerere. “It is as excoriating as that of Deng Xiaoping;, Not quite though. Deng at least has Chairman Mao to point an accusing finger at. Nyerere hasn’t. He is both his own Mao and his own Deng all rolled into one.

What could he say to justify his new pro-IMF stand after years of a gallant, well articulated campaign against the Fund? But shrewd politician that he is, he has not said a word in public on the agreement as yet. He has left it to President Mwinyi to sell it to the country, conservative ministers to implement it, and the disciples of the New Enlightenment of Hayek and Friedman at the Economics Department of the University of Dar es Salaam to rationalise it.”

In Volume 1 Number 3 of the Oxford University Press publication “Information Technology for Development” 1986, Christopher Ndamngi traced the history and indicated the present status of computers in Tanzania.

The first modern electronic computer (an ICL 1901 magnetic based system) was installed in 1968 at the Ministry of Finance. Since then expansion has been rapid.

Analysts have broadly identified four stages of computer activity development:
(1) Inception Stage: Very little knowledge and understanding of computer technology.
(2) Basic Stage: Reasonable understanding in the use and application of computers at the operational level of management.
(3) Operational Stage: Wide understanding and application of computer technology in most administrative activities at top management level.
(4) Advanced Stage: Extensive managerial dependence on computers for decision making as well as strategic planning.

Tanzania is at stage (3) the operational stage of the computer activity development.

A fair guess at the number of computers in Tanzania in 1976 around 400 units with the following approximate distribution:
Micro computers 64%
Mini computers 23%
Mainframe computers 10%
other (Terminals etc.) 3%

The table below shows the approximate suppliers market share.

Supplier Product Type %Micro %Mini %Mainframe %Overall
B.M.L. Olivetti Computers Apple Computers Agents 55% – – 36.8%
CCTL Agents for Wang Computers and Osborne Micros 21.8% 14.1% 27.3% 20.5%
ICL ICL computers – 31.5% 63.6% 14.1%
NCR NCR computers 7.0% 31.5% – 13.2%
IBM agents IBM computers 7.7% 7.0% – 6.8%
others 7.9% 15.9% 9.1% 8.6%

(N.B. BML = Business Machines Ltd. CCTL=Computers Corpn. of Tanzania Ltd)

Amongst the latest applications of computer technology are;

– The Fujitsu Fedex 100, installed by the Tanzania Posts and Telecommunications. It is an automatic telex message switching system for the control and routing of all message traffic to, from, and via the Tanzania Telecommunications System.

– The on-line traffic control and passenger reservations system operated by Air Tanzania via a hook-up to the International network based in the USA.

– The weather forecasting system in the department of meteorology.

– The on-line wagon control system developed by Tanzania Railways Corporation as phase one of the larger and more complex Railways Traffic Control System. The wagon control system is due for implementation in the second half of 1986.

The ‘Independent’ in its February 6th Issue. under the heading “Tanzania Pays the Price of Stability” wrote that: “One year after stepping down as President of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere has seen the country embarking on a course radically different from the one he steered since leading Tanzania to Independence. Some Tanzanians see these changes as a rejection of the high ideals for which Nyerere gained world-wide respect; others are relieved to see curtailment of policies which they believe turned Tanzania into one of the poorest countries in the world.

Even Mr Nyerere’s critics, however, do not see the shift in the country’s priorities under President Mwinyi as an occasion to blame the former President for the dire state of the country’s economy.

Mr Nyerere is regarded by many Tanzanians as a man who managed to establish a degree of political stability in his country that contrasts sharply with the chaos and unrest that reigns in some of its neighbours. However this unity does not appear to have produced many economic benefits. The poverty of Tanzania is startling.

But if poverty and debt are the legacy of Mr. Nyerere’s socialist experiment, few blame him for it. Twenty five years after independence he is still seen as the Mwalimu or teacher.

“Malaika” is one of the most famous songs to come out of East Africa. The Kenyan, Fadhili Williams claims to be the author of the legendary lyrics. But, as ‘New African’ in its January 1987 issue pointed out, a Tanzanian, Adam Salim, now claims to be the original lyricist. He claims that his “inspiration” came from 60 year old Halima Marwa. Salim said that a passionate love affair with Halima had ended dismally when he discovered that she was his uncle’s daughter and kinship laws forbade marriage with close relatives. Later, a wealthy Indian proposed to and married Halima. Heartbroken, Salim found solace in composing the now historic lines of the song.

Halima confirmed that the story was very much part of her past and recalled that Salim had composed it between 1945 and 1946. If this is true, how did Fadhili Wllliams come to claim authorship?

Adam Salim explained that he once led a band in Nairobi and here he met Williams, “Williams was only a kid at the time’; he joined my band briefly to play the mandolin. At this time we were already playing Malaika in dance halls and bars” he said. Salim, who worked as a motorcycle mechanic during the day, said he made a recording of the song with the now defunct Columbia East African Music Ltd. “I was paid a flat fee of Shs 60. There was no copyright”

Some time later, an accident at the workshop left him with deep burns and he had to spend three years in a Nairobi hospital. On his return home to Moshi his musical career was at an end and he worked at the Kilombero Sugar Factory until his retirement last January.

Adam Salim, now 70 years old, says that he bears Williams no grudges. He has however, charged Halima’s grandson, Hanif Aloo, to legally represent him in a late bid to claim the copyright from Williams.

So, two decades later, the elusive Malaika is still being ardently pursued by her suitors.


‘Africa Events’, in its December 1986 issue revealed that it had located (to its surprise) some Zanzibaris in Durban. Where had they come from? Apparently they are descended from slaves of Makua origin who had been liberated by the British navy along the East African coast. They initially disembarked in Zanzibar. During their time with the Swahili and Arab Muslims they had adopted the religion of Islam. Through an arrangement between the British Consul General at Zanzibar and the Lieut. Governor of Natal they had then been sent to Natal rather than being resettled within the domains of the Sultan of Zanzibar where it was thought they might be recaptured by other slave traders. The real reason however seems to have •been the serious labour shortage on the new plantations in Natal. The documents show that the liberated slaves were intended for these plantations, partially to replace the programme of indentured labour from India which had been set up in 1860 but had run into problems.

Being under contract of indenture under the Protector of Indian immigrants the new arrivals quickly discovered fellow Muslims among the Indians who had arrive before them. Their contracts were similar but differed in details. Thus their free accommodation, food rations and income were the same. Neither group was able to chose its employer. But whereas the Indians were restricted by the pass system, the Zanzibaris were free to go wherever they wanted. The contracts for the Indians were for five years; the Zanzibaris three. Gross injustices were perpetrated against both groups. It was therefore natural that these people who often worked together, developed an affinity for one another.

As their contracts expired and they were able to settle down where they wanted their background and contact with Swahili society proved important. In Swahili society the village is the focal point as is religious allegiance. These two aspects combined to develop in the Zanzibaris a strong sense of community, which led them to establish a separate community at Kingsrest on the Bluff south of Durban. Here they concentrated on market gardening or accepted employment as domestic servants.

The manner of their original arrival from the domains of a Sultan considered “Asiatic”. their identification with the indenture system and their close association with Indians, but above all their Islamic faith, distinguished them from the local Bantu. The first Zanzibari families moved to Chatsworth (where the majority of Indians were resettled) at the end of 1962.

Today the Zanzibaris form a clearly definable group at Chatsworth with their own Mosque, their own religious leaders. Their faith and practice is coloured by their background. They retain many of their Makua practices, particularly those relating to rites of passage. At the same time their “Zanzibari” identity is discernible in their dress, language and law. Whereas the Indian Muslims follow the Hanafi school of law, the Zanzibaris are Shafi’i. The most obvious form of their identity is seen in the retention of the distinctive Zanzibari kanzu, kofia, kimau and kanga. Perhaps more important still is their claim and ability to speak and understand good standard Swahili.


‘Business Traveller’ continues its series of articles on costs of goods in different parts of the globe. Concerning the price of a roll of film it wrote: “Tanzania seems to have it in for business travellers. It has already figured prominently at the very head of previous lists comparing the costs of taxi rides and whisky around the world. Now it adds another scalp to its collection. Anyone who has decided to invest in ammunition for his trusty sure shot in Dodoma or Kilwa Kivinje (an undeniably picturesque part of the World) at the time of the survey, would have found himself paying close to $1 per shot for the privilege in film costs alone.

In fact however, such is the weakness of most major African currencies including the Tanzanian shilling, that film and other costs have probably dropped between then and now”. At the time of the survey the cost of a roll of film was estimated to be seven times the British price.


(The second part of the article begun in Bulletin No. 26)

The Parliament of the United Republic is unicameral. It is composed of the National Assembly and the President of the United Republic. The President is not a member of the National Assembly but he assents to all Bills passed by the Assembly before they become Acts of Parliament.

The National Assembly’s role is to supervise Government in the implementation of Party policies through legislation. It is also responsible for passing the annual budget of the Government. The National Assembly. or its committees, can question Government Ministries on all matters under their jurisdiction. The present composition of the National Assembly is as follows:
– Constituency Members (Mainland 119, Zanzibar 50) = 169
– National Members chosen by Parliament = 15
– Regional Commissioners ex-officio (20 Mainland, 5 Zanzibar) = 25
– Members elected by the House of Representatives of Zanzibar = 5
– Members nominated by the President (5 from Zanzibar) = 15
– Women members (special seats for women; 5 from Zanzibar) = 15
Total 244

A candidate for election as a Constituency Member of Parliament must have the following qualifications:
– he must be a citizen of Tanzania not less than 21 years of age;
– be must be a Member of the CCM and must abide by the provisions of the Party Constitution;
– he is disqualified if he is:
– under a declaration of allegiance to some other country than the United Republic;
– under any law in Tanzania adjudged to be of unsound mind;
– under sentence of death or a sentence of imprisonment exceeding six months; – detained under the Preventive Detention Act of 1962 for a period exceeding six months; or,
– an undischarged bankrupt having been adjudged or declared bankrupt under any written law.

In order to be validly nominated at a primary nomination to stand as a candidate for a constituency a person must be nominated in writing by not less than twenty five voters registered in a polling district within the constituency for which he is a candidate. Any number of candidates can be nominated in a constituency provided that they are all Party members and fulfil other qualifications required by law. By 4p.m. on a day assigned by the Electoral Commission as nomination day all forms must be submitted to the returning officers.

As soon as practicable after the primary nomination a special meeting of the District Party Conference is convened. This Conference is itself composed of elected Party members. The main purpose of the District Party Conference is to cast preferential votes. The Returning Officer presents each candidate to the Conference by reading his particulars from the nomination papers filed by each candidate. Each candidate must be given a fair and equal opportunity to answer questions put to him by the members of the District Conference.

Having discussed the merits and suitability of each candidate, the Conference Members then proceed to vote by secret ballot for the candidate they think is most suitable. To ensure that each candidate is given a fair opportunity, the Electoral Commission is represented at each District Conference by three supervisory delegates, who are required to report to the Commission their opinion of the Conference.

The preferential votes are counted and the results are declared. Then the Returning Officer certifies the number of preferential votes accorded to each candidate and forthwith sends such certificates together with the nomination papers of the candidates to the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the Party. The NEC considers the nomination papers of the candidates, the certificates accorded them at the meeting of the District Conference, the minutes or record of the proceedings of such Conference and any report of the supervisory delegates. Finally the NEC nominates two candidates to contest the ejection.

After the names of the candidates are known, the Electoral Commission fixes the date of the campaign, which is conducted under the auspices of the Party. Candidates are not allowed to organise their own campaigns, nor are they allowed to spend money to win votes. The Political Committee of the District Conference arranges the programme for the campaign, which must be overseen by three Supervisory delegates. As at the District Conference, the Supervisory Delegates must see that the Election Manifesto is strictly adhered to by the candidates and that both candidates are given a fair and equal opportunity to address the electorate. They also have to report any anomalies to the District Political Committee of the Party and, if the anomalies persist, they must report immediately to the Electoral Commission, which is empowered to take any steps it deems fit to rectify the anomaly.

Voting is not compulsory. The voting procedure is as follows. Each voter has to go in person to the polling station at which he is registered. He has to Identify himself that he is the voter he claims to be by presenting his registration card. The Presiding Officer verifies the identity of the voter by checking the particulars in his register. On being satisfied about the identity of the voter the Presiding Officer presses a stamp on the back of a ballot paper and folds it, he hands it over to the voter, who proceeds alone to the screened compartment, where he casts his vole and puts the ballot paper into the ballot box. At the close of the poll the Presiding Officer, his assistant and the polling agent seal the ballot box and padlock it. It is then escorted to the Returning Officer. The Presiding Officer must also prepare a ballot paper account showing the number of ballot papers used, those unused or spoilt, and the latter are then put in different packets, sealed and presented to the Returning Officer.

The Returning Officer is responsible for the counting of votes and the safe custody of all election documents for six months, after which period they must be destroyed unless there is an order from the High Court pending an election petition.

National Members of Parliament are elected by the National Assembly itself from among candidates nominated by mass organisations and approved by the National Executive Committee of the Party. The five mass organisations are the Trade Union (JUWATA), Youth Organisation (VIJANA), Women’s Organisation (UWT), Cooperative Union (WASHIRIKA) and the Parents’ Association (TAPA). Each organisation nominates six candidates. The National Assembly elects fifteen Members out of the thirty candidates Dominated by the five mass organisations.

Women Members for the special reserved seats are also elected by the National Assembly after their names have been approved by the NEC. Prior to that all women candidates whether Members of the Women’s Organisation or not, submit their nomination forms to the UWT. In nominating them the UWT has to give equal consideration to candidates from both parts of the United Republic. The NEC will have to approve thirty candidates, fifteen from each side of the United Republic. To ensure that the Islands are represented the constitution stipulates that at least five woman members must come from Zanzibar. Women are also free to contest seats in other categories of Member, for example, as Constituency Members, National Members etc. The Parliament of 1980-85 had a total of 26 Women Members, of whom one was a Cabinet Minister, two were Ministers of State and one was a Regional Commissioner.

At the first sitting of the Assembly in a new Parliament the members elect a Speaker. He may be elected from within the House, or from without. A Speaker who is not a Member of Parliament must have the necessary qualifications to become a Member of Parliament. The present Speaker is not a Member of Parliament. The Deputy Speaker must, however, be a Member of Parliament.

The first sitting of the House after a general election is summoned by the President. Subsequent meetings are summoned by the Assembly on a date mentioned in a motion moved by a Minister and decided without amendment on the last day of the sitting of the Assembly. The National Assembly meets four times a year for about ninety days. The longest session is the budget session which meets for about fifty days. The proceedings of the Assembly are conducted in Kiswahili or English. All Members, however, use Kiswahili when debating in the House, but most of the Bills are published in English.

The National Assembly has ten standing committees as follows:
– the Steering Committee,
– the Constitutional Affairs and Legislation Committee,
– the Finance and Economic Committee;
– the Political Affairs Committee;
– the Public Accounts Committee;
– the Parastatals Organisation Committee;
– the Social Services Committee;
– the Standing Orders Committee;
– the Foreign Affairs Committee; and,
– the General Purposes Committee.

Every Bill is published in the Official Gazette in two issues at an interval of not less than seven days. The first publication of a Bill must be at least twenty one days before the Bill is introduced in the House. Very urgent Bills may be introduced without fulfilling the twenty one day rule provided they are supported by a certificate of urgency signed by the President and laid on the table by a Government Minister. After a Bill has been published and before it is debated in the House, it is referred to the appropriate Standing Committee. After the Chairman of the Standing Committee has reported to the Speaker that the Committee has concluded its consideration of a Bill referred to it, the first reading of the Bill is entered on the Order Paper on such day as the Minister in charge of the Bill may appoint. The first reading is confined to the general merits and principles of the Bill. It is at this stage that Members consider whether to support or oppose the Bill. The debate on the second reading of the Bill is confined to amendments if any. The procedure is the same for both Government and Private Members’ Bills, except that before a Private Member’s Bill is published in the Official Gazette its objects and reasons must be approved by the House itself. When a Bill has been read a second time, a printed copy is presented to the President by the Speaker for the President’s assent or other order.
Chief A.S. Mkwawa


Jan van Donge and Athumani J. Liviga writing in the April 1986 issue of the Oxford University Press publication “Parliamentary Affairs” gave some facts and figures arising from research they have been conducting into the recent history of the Tanzanian Parliament and the CCM Party. They covered the period 1965 to 1980.

For example, an analysis of the four elections for M.P.’s (1965, 1970, 1975 and 1980) revealed that 45% of all candidates stood once only and lost their election battle; 78% of the successful candidates served only one term; 41% of all M.P.’s stood for re-election but half of them lost the second time; and only 22% sat in more than one Parliament. An exceptional eight people were members of all four Parliaments.

Parliamentary elections have also proved risky for front bench members. Some Cabinet Ministers have a long record of representing their constituencies (four of the eight who won four times are long serving Ministers) but one or more Ministers lost their seats in every election. There is thus no hard core of safe seats for political heavy weights as in the British system. The grass roots exert a strong influence in Tanzania.


Number of Times Winning/Losing – Number of candidates

Win once- 190
Lose once – 267
Win once; Lose once – 53
Win once; Lose twice – 6
Win twice – 39
Win twice; Lose once – 9
Win twice; Lose twice – 2
Lose twice – 6
Win three times – 10
Win three times; Lose once – 4
Win four times – 8
Lose three times – 2

Looking at Party as distinct from Parliamentary elections the story is rather different, The 1982 elections confirmed those already in power, This was also the case in the elections for district and regional Party chairmen as well the Party National Executive Committee (NEC), The latter was dominated by professional politicians who make their living working for the Party while M.P.;s hardly played a role. Of the 130 NEC members elected only five were constituency M.P.’s but 11 had held the position in the past. Only in the elections for regional chairmen can a relationship be seen between a parliamentary career and a Party career. Almost half of the 25 regional chairmen elected in 1982 had at sometime been parliamentary candidates. Only one combined the two posts at the same time. At the district level this relationship was not evident at all. Fifteen of the 112 district Party chairmen had been parliamentary candidates; none of them was at the time in parliament and nine among them had never won.

A comparison of success in the 1980 parliamentary elections with success in the 1982 NEC elections is instructive. 25 of the 164 NEC candidates from the mainland had also stood as well in the 1980 parliamentary elections. Some of them won in both, some lost in both but ten who lost in the parliamentary elections became members of the NEC in 1982. If a politician fails in a parliamentary career that does not mean an end to a Party career.

In the case of the national M.P.’s there is a much lower rate of turnover than in the case of constituency M.P.’s. Politics loses its risky character. 25 of the 40 national M.P.’s stood for (indirect) re-election in 1980 and 19 of them won. People who lose in their constituencies sometimes try to come back as national M.P.’s. Twelve of those who contested such seats in 1980 had been directly elected M.P.’s before. This was no guarantee for success however as six of them lost in the indirect elections as well. It may be necessary, according to the authors, to be well connected at the top because the national M.P.’s tend to belong to the political establishment. Fifteen of the 40 national M.P.’s elected after the 1980 elections were Cabinet Ministers, managing directors of parastatal organisations or NEC members.

The authors of the article conclude that parliamentary elections are of an exceptional nature in the Tanzanian system. Although in general there is much security of office in Tanzania this does not apply to ordinary M.P.’s. Cabinet Ministers belong, the authors say, to the world of security. If people who belong to that world lose an election they tend to be appointed as M.P.’s and are included in the Cabinet. In every Cabinet there has been a substantial number of appointed M.P.’s. A ministerial career can be, say the authors, independent of favour with the electorate.


Two documentaries recently shown on television about kopjies and the part they play in the lives of wild creatures on the plains of East Africa remind me of one special kopje which I visited in 1947. It is situated in front of what was, at that time, the headquarters of the Tsetse Research Department at Old Shinyanga and is the last resting place of some remarkable men including C.F.M. Swynnertol1, C.M.G., Director of Tsetse Research and B.D. Burtt, Botanist, who were killed in a flying accident at Singida in 1938. Also Captain V.A.C. Findlay, Field Officer, who was killed by a rhinoceros whilst on duty in 1946.

One other grave in this unique little cemetery is of a person who was not a member of the Tsetse Department but died at old Shinyanga in 1940. His tombstone is inscribed “Major A.H. Du Frayer, Q.S., O.B.E.” It is the oddness of this Q.S. decoration which prompts me to set out the story, such as I have been able to glean it, from press cuttings given to me by Mrs. G. Harrison whose husband worked in the Tsetse Department for many years.

Major Du Frayer was born in Australia in 1871 and joined the New South Wales Mounted Rifles as a trooper and fought in the Boer War,

Shortly before her death Queen Victoria knitted four brown scarves, with V.R.I. embroidered in red in one corner, and these were sent to Lord Roberts in South Africa to be awarded to soldiers who had joined the forces as rankers and had first been recommended for the Victoria Cross for an outstanding act of bravery.

The scarves were broad woollen to be worn under the shoulder straps of the uniform, across the chest and buckled on the right hip, By order of King Edward VII the holders of the award were to be distinguished by the affix Q.S.; further, all troops were required to present arms and salute the scarf or its equivalent, a gold star medal, later sent by the King for more convenient occasions.

Du Frayer gained his award for rescuing a wounded comrade and carrying him on his horse to safety under heavy fire. The scarf was presented to Du Frayer in Australia, after the War, by the Duke of Cornwall (later to be King George V) to whose personal staff Du Frayer was attached.

At the outbreak of war in 1914 Du Frayer joined up as a Captain in the Machine Gun Brigade and later served in Tanganyika where he commanded a battery of ten maxims and captured two German patrols.

After a spell in the then Nyasaland Du Frayer eventually retired to Shinyanga and died there in 1940 aged 70. He had been mentioned four times in despatches and had been awarded the O.B.E. in 1919.

So the Queen’s Scarf must be one of the most remarkable decorations ever awarded to a soldier for meritorious conduct in the field of war; remarkable also for the personal, almost sacred associations with which the object is surrounded and for its extreme rarity, as it can never be repeated.

The Du Frayer Scarf was handed down to his son, Alec Du Frayer, who showed it to my son-in-law at Arusha in 1960.
J.T. Purvis


I am writing to you concerning the Oxford Colonial Archives Project (OCAP). A number of reports have been prepared under this project on activities in pre-Independence Tanzania of which probably the most important is on the Sukumaland Development Scheme (1947-57) with which I was closely involved as a member of the scheme team and as a contributor to the data on which the OCAP report is based. Whilst the report covers adequately the background, history, objectives and operation of the Sukumaland Development Scheme it is weak in those sections dealing with the results of the scheme and the reasons for its demise some three years before the completion of its allotted 10-year life. It ended in 1954.

Unfortunately I was not able to visit Sukumaland during my two later visits to Tanzania, but I did meet a number of people from Sukumaland from whom I culled some information and concepts of what life is like in Sukumaland today.

If the OCAP report is to be any use to future students and researchers, I feel that it should include an analysis of the scheme’s successes and failures (both short and long term) including the reasons for its early termination. It would appear that OCAP was not able to tap the memories of those most able to throw light on the end of the scheme nor has it been possible to obtain reports from people who are familiar with rural affairs in Sukumaland post-independence, by which the results of the scheme might be measured.

I would be interested to know whether any of your readers are in a position to help with any of these problems. Whether, for instance, readers could offer their views or do any research which would show how many of the objectives and teachings of the scheme were/are still in operation/use in 1967, 1977 and 1987 and why (or why not!)

Clarification on these points would not, in my view, be entirely academic. I believe that the proper analysis of the medium and long term effects of development schemes could be used to advantage on a wide scale. This is said with some feeling as I have been engaged in the planning of agricultural/rural development in many developing countries round the world since 1970 without once being able to learn the results of my work, good or bad.

J.O. Wolstenholme,
191, Oxbridge Lane,
Stockton-on Tees,
Cleveland TS18 4HY


I have just come back from a safari which ended up in the Ruaha National Park where I stayed at Fox’s Camp. I had earlier talked to the Regional Commissioner in Iringa who asked if Her Majesty’s Government could help in developing the Park or with rehabilitating and improving the roads to it. They need some Shs 6.0 million to erect an available Bailey Bridge over the Ruaha River. The Regional Commissioner wishes to develop tourism in the area. I explained that this did not fit into our present set of priorities and that he should try to persuade the Government of Tanzania to raise the matter with potential donors.

I had much the same conversation in Mufindi with Geoff Fox, whose family has put so much effort and investment into opening up and protecting the Park. He is a leading member of the Friends of Ruaha Society and is trying to canvas support from all quarters.

I should be most grateful if you would give the appeal publicity amongst friends of Tanzania in Britain.
British High Commissioner,
Dar es Salaam

An attachment to the High Commissioner’s letter contains information about the Friends of Ruaha Society. The Society has been formed recently to help the Park Warden and his staff face the uphill task of protecting this part of the World’s heritage.

The Ruaha National Park at 13,000 sq.km. is second only to Serengeti in size but, together with its adjacent game reserves and controlled areas is among the largest in the world. But the pressure from poachers and others is increasing. Having decimated the surrounding areas the poachers have been moving into the park in increasing numbers. They use automatic weapons and start fires so that every year the Park is reduced to ashes. The Park staff are doing an extraordinary job, There are about 45 Rangers – about one for every 325 sq.kms. The poachers they face are superior in numbers and better armed, Ruaha is literally fighting for survival.

Several new landrovers are needed, Rangers need water bottles, binoculars, tents, radio communication etc. As a primary target for 1987 the Friends of Ruaha aim to provide the finance necessary for at Least one new Landrover suitably fitted for anti-poaching work.

Readers able to help are asked to send cheques to The Friends of Ruaha Society, P.O. Box 60, Mufindi – Editor.