EDUCATION

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by Ben Taylor

Basic Education Skills Initiative unveiled
On 1 September 2025, President Samia Suluhu Hassan unveiled the Basic Education Skills Initiative during a campaign rally, aiming to ensure that every Tanzanian child can read, write, and perform basic calculations by the end of Standard Three. This plan forms part of a broader vision for early childhood development (ECD) and educational reform, prioritising foundational literacy and numeracy to address longstanding gaps in primary education. With Tanzania’s literacy rate hovering at around 78% and significant disparities in rural areas, the initiative seeks to equip young learners with essential skills for lifelong learning and economic participation, aligning with the country’s Vision 2050 goals.

Key objectives include transforming primary education through curriculum reforms that integrate practical, skills-based learning from the earliest stages. The plan emphasises interactive teaching methods, incorporating digital tools and play-based approaches to make lessons engaging and effective. Teacher training is a cornerstone, with commitments to upskill 7,000 educators in science, mathematics, and literacy pedagogy within the first 100 days of a potential re-election. This builds on the February 2025 launch of the updated Education and Training Policy, which extends compulsory education and enhances vocational elements.

Implementation strategies involve partnerships with organisations like UNICEF and KOICA for STEM integration and resource provision, targeting 1.2 million children with school meals and digital learning aids. Infrastructure upgrades, such as shifting to single-shift schooling nationwide by year’s end, will reduce overcrowding and improve access. Expected outcomes include boosted enrolment rates, reduced dropout figures, and a more skilled workforce ready for Tanzania’s digital economy.

Challenges, however, persist: funding constraints and teacher shortages in remote regions could hinder rollout. President Hassan has tied the initiative to her re-election manifesto, vowing to prioritise ECD classrooms and vocational centres, potentially creating thousands of jobs while fostering inclusive growth. If successful, this could mark a pivotal shift in Tanzania’s educational landscape.

ACT Wazalendo also make ambitious promises
ACT Wazalendo’s election manifesto for 2025–2030 positions education as a cornerstone of inclusive development and economic empowerment, emphasising universal access, quality, and relevance to job creation. The party pledges “truly free education up to university level – no hidden contributions,” aiming to eliminate informal fees that burden families and ensure equitable opportunities for all Tanzanians, regardless of location or income. This builds on their 2020 commitments to free pre-school, primary, secondary, and vocational training, but extends it comprehensively to higher education, with subsidies for tuition and a shift in loans to cover only subsistence costs like meals and accommodation.

A key focus is skills-based learning to address youth unemployment, with education designed to equip graduates for productive sectors like agriculture, manufacturing, and technology. The manifesto promises enhanced vocational and technical training, including establishing innovation hubs in colleges and launching new technical schools in underserved regions, covering tuition, materials, and field studies. It also calls for increased research funding – allocating 40% of university budgets to innovation – and the construction of five new national universities (three on the mainland in Mtwara, Kigoma, and Tanga; two in Zanzibar), each with at least 20,000-student capacity.

DEVELOPMENT VISION 2050

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by Ben Taylor
Tanzania’s Development Vision 2050, commonly known by its Swahili name, Dira 2050, is a set of ambitious, long-term goals for Tanzania, centred around the aim of transforming the country into an industrialised, knowledge-driven upper-middle-income economy by mid-century. The targets are audacious: a national GDP of about US$1 trillion (which would require annual growth of over 10% for 25 years) and a per-capita income near US$7,000 by 2050, underpinned by structural change from low-productivity agriculture toward diversified manufacturing, services and high-value digital sectors.

To gather input from citizens into the drafting process, the government organised face-to-face meetings, public workshops, symposia, and stakeholder dialogues in regions around the country. These allowed people, local leaders, civil society organisations, private sector and religious / cultural / community leaders to make submissions. A nationally-representative survey of citizens was also conducted.

Dira 2050 organises its aims around three interlinked pillars. The first is “A Strong, Inclusive and Competitive Economy,” focused on macroeconomic stability, fiscal sustainability, private-sector dynamism, value addition and export-led industrialisation. The second pillar, “Human Capabilities and Social Development,” prioritises health, education (especially STEM skills), social protection and inclusive access to services so that citizens are ready to work in higher-productivity sectors. The third pillar, “Environmental Integrity and Climate-Change Resilience,” commits Tanzania to safeguard biodiversity, manage wetlands and water resources, and build climate-resilient infrastructure. Together these pillars are driven by five strategic enablers: integrated logistics, energy, science & technology, research & development, and digital transformation.

The Vision emphasises public-private partnerships, deliberate sector prioritisation, and leveraging Tanzania’s geographic advantages to become a regional trade hub through improved ports, rail and digital trade systems. It also sets concrete targets, for example, raising national research and development investment toward at least 1% of GDP, expanding digital literacy (targeting a high percentage of citizens), and shifting the energy mix toward renewable sources while keeping energy reliability central to industrial expansion. The document stresses that coherent policy sequencing, predictable regulation and stronger institutions will be needed to translate ambition into sustained investment and jobs.

At the launch event in July, President Samia Suluhu Hassan congratulated the drafters of the Vision. “But now,” she added, “let us implement it in action, not just in words. … It is clear we won’t reach these goals if we continue with business as usual. We must change our thinking, our outlook, and our actions.”

Analysts and civil-society experts have broadly welcomed the Vision’s scope but warn that it will only succeed if implementation gaps are closed and crucially if funding, governance and climate risks are taken seriously. A common concern is that the targets are technically feasible only with sustained reform, clear accountability and large financing flows, both domestic and international, that cannot be assumed. The World Bank’s climate analysis, for instance, warns that climate impacts could push millions into poverty unless adaptation and mitigation are prioritised.

Writing in The Chanzo online newspaper, Martin Hockey, Benjamin Foster, Brian Cooksey and Deus Valentine Rweyemamu noted that Tanzania has frequently missed earlier development targets. They expressed concern that the Vision’s environmental commitments are under pressure due to excessive extractive ambitions (mining, large-scale agriculture, fossil fuels). They also emphasised that governance and accountability challenges, weak institutions, and insufficient civil society participation could undermine success.

Development specialist Rutashubanyuma Nestory notes that the Vision is “transformative in scope” but warns it “faces execution hurdles,” pointing to vague accountability mechanisms and heavy reliance on political will for follow-through.

In all, Dira 2050 is a broad, ambitious and technically detailed roadmap that places industrialisation, human capital and environmental resilience on equal footing. However, its success will hinge less on drafting than on hard choices: mobilising finance, enacting institutional reforms that lock in transparency and accountability, prioritising climate resilience in sectoral plans, and sequencing investments so growth creates broad-based employment. If those implementation challenges are met, the Vision could reshape Tanzania’s economy; if they are not, the plan risks becoming yet another well-crafted national statement whose reach exceeds its delivery.

UBER IN TANZANIA

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by Matteo Rizzo
The politics of digital regulation in Tanzania: Uber, its drivers and the state

Uber launched in 2016 in Dar es Salaam and quickly established itself as the main ride-hail app in the city, controlling an estimated 70 per cent of its ride-hail market. Uber also became a significant source of livelihood to its drivers, the number of which was estimated to be 1,300 in August 2018. This article focusses on the decision by Uber to halt its operations in Tanzania in April 2022, and its subsequent resumption in January 2023, to explore the complex interplay of political, economic, and social dynamics related to the regulation of the digital economy within Africa. This article highlights some of the challenges of integrating global tech giants into local economies, and how different players, such as Uber, its drivers and the Tanzanian state attempted to defend their interests, and their differential power to fulfil them.

At the root of Uber’s withdrawal was a regulatory dispute with the Tanzanian government, specifically the Land Transport Regulatory Authority (LATRA). In March 2022, LATRA issued a new fare-setting order. This regulation introduced a fixed fare per kilometre (TSh 900) and per minute (TSh 100), a minimum fare (TSh 3,000), and, most critically for Uber, capped the commission ride-hailing platforms could charge drivers at 15%. LATRA also removed the 3% booking fee that Uber charged its drivers for each ride. This was a drastic reduction from Uber’s previous commission rate, which was reportedly around 25% to 33%.

A key political pressure for the new order by LATRA, and in particular of the lower commission for drivers, was the protest by Uber drivers earlier in 2022, when for two days drivers held a digital walk-off / log out, which was decisive in forcing LATRA to intervene. LATRA’s actions can therefore be viewed as an assertion of state control over a burgeoning sector, which crucially came about due to pressure from ride-hail drivers. The imposition of fixed fares and commission caps reflects a common regulatory impulse in many countries to protect consumers from potential price gouging and ensure fair earnings for drivers.

In Tanzania, this also aligns with a broader political narrative of safeguarding national interests and ensuring that foreign companies operate within a framework that benefits local stakeholders. By limiting the commissions of international players like Uber and Bolt, LATRA’s regulations could theoretically level the playing field for local ride-hailing companies, which tended to operate with lower commission rates (e.g. Ping and Little). This aligns with a desire to foster domestic economic growth and reduce reliance on foreign-dominated services.

On 14th April 2022, following unsuccessful negotiations between LATRA and Uber, the techno giant suspended its operations, stating that “We will only return if the regulation is addressed”. Uber argued that these new rates and the commission cap created an “unfriendly business environment” that made it financially unsustainable to operate. However, Uber’s decision to suspend services was a strategic move, leveraging its market presence to pressure the government into reconsidering the regulations. For its drivers and car owners who relied on the platform for income, it meant immediate uncertainty and a loss of livelihood. This made it impossible for drivers to sustain their protest. Riders, who had grown accustomed to the convenience and often cheaper pricing of ride-hailing services (compared to non-digital taxis), faced reduced options, though competitors like Bolt and Ping continued to operate. The pressure on both Uber and especially the government to find an agreement rapidly built up.

The eventual resolution of this political stand-off, and the modalities of Uber’s return to operations in January 2023, underscore the political economy of negotiation and the power of each party. After months of dialogue, and a change in leadership, LATRA softened its stance: it allowed ride-hailing companies to charge up to 25% commission and a 3.5% booking fee additionally. This new total commission, at 28.5%, was almost a full U-turn, away from the 15% commission brought about by the March 2022 order, and towards the 33% level before then.

The resolution of this regulatory stand-off shows how the Tanzanian state attempted, due to significant pressure from drivers, to lower the commission rate charged by the app. However, this move was met by Uber’s strong opposition, which took the form of the halting its operations. This in turn weakened drivers’ capacity to sustain their protest, and also caused riders’ complaints about the loss of the service. Under pressure and without the power to respond differently, the new level of commission which was agreed, was an almost total abdication to the demands of Uber. As such, it was also a potent demonstration of the ongoing political struggle between global tech platforms and national governments seeking to assert regulatory control and protect local interests.

SOCIAL MEDIA CLAMPDOWN

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by Leah Mwainyekule
Tanzania’s social media clampdown and the elections: what’s at risk?

Social media platforms like WhatsApp, Instagram, Facebook and X have transformed political dialogue and activism in Tanzania. The democratisation of political expression has especially empowered young voters and activists to challenge government actions and champion causes such as human rights, the release of political prisoners, and electoral reforms.

This is significant in a country politically dominated by one ruling party since independence in 1961. The government has responded by frequently clamping down on social media through arrests, mass content removals and platform-specific shutdowns. This is in addition to direct controls over media outlets. Media and communication scholar Leah Mwainyekule examines Tanzania’s social media landscape ahead of elections in October 2025.

What is the history of Tanzania’s social media curbs?
Tanzania’s political system is dominated by the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, which has held power continuously since independence in 1961. The ruling party has kept in place a political structure headed by a powerful president in a tightly controlled political space. Opposition parties have faced suppression marked by restrictions on rallies, arrests, violence and exclusion from electoral processes. This worsened under former president John Magufuli, who clamped down on political dissent, persecuted opposition figures and imposed legal curbs against media and civic debate.

While President Samia Suluhu Hassan has recently introduced moderate reforms – restoring some rights, easing bans and facilitating dialogue – opposition leaders still confront severe charges or incarceration. The main opposition party – Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) – still can’t contest major elections.

Tanzania’s social media curbs are embedded in this political environment. The government claims to be controlling digital content to maintain political and social stability. This strategy is often justified by concerns about national security, misinformation and public order.
Laws and regulations govern the digital space. The landmark legislation is the Cybercrimes Act of 2015, which introduced provisions about online activities.

• It is illegal to share or receive unauthorised information, even if truthful or publicly available.
• Police have extensive powers to conduct searches and seizures.
• Secret surveillance and interception of communications can happen without judicial authorisation or proper due process.

The law has been condemned for provisions which limit political expression through blogs, online media and mobile platforms like WhatsApp. People have been arrested for criticising government officials or the president on WhatsApp and Facebook.

Further controls relate to obligations for internet service providers, social media platform owners, and expanded categories of prohibited content. They are contained in another law which was amended in 2025.

Critics highlight provisions that undermine online anonymity. Internet service providers and online content service providers have to be able to identify the source of online content. Internet café operators are required to register users through recognised IDs, assign static IP addresses, and install cameras to monitor users’ activities.

The laws are vague about defining what’s not allowed. It might be:
• content which “offends individuals or groups”
• sharing “evil content”
• promoting material “likely to mislead or deceive the public”.

The lack of clear guidelines enables officials to target critics or unwanted content as they please.

Finally, critics have pointed to unrealistic deadlines for content removal. The 2018 regulations said platforms must remove prohibited content within 12 hours of notification. The 2020 update reduced this deadline to just two hours. This made it one of the most stringent requirements globally.

The two-hour removal window applies mainly to content flagged by the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority. But it could also relate to complaints from affected users. Platforms must also suspend or terminate accounts of users who fail to remove prohibited content within this period. This short deadline makes it nearly impossible to check whether content is legal before removal.

These regulations are widely perceived as politically motivated. They appear designed to suppress government critics, media and opposition voices. They stifle legitimate public discourse.

What are the government’s most recent actions?
The most recent example is the government’s suspension of the country’s most popular online forum, Jamii Forums, for 90 days in September 2025. The government cited the publication of content that “misleads the public”, “defames” the president and undermines national unity.

The government has also resorted to blanket bans of platforms like X (formerly Twitter). The most recent followed the hacking of official police accounts in a cyber attack. Although some users access X through virtual private networks (VPNs), the ban remains officially enforced by internet service providers across the country.

The timing of the shutdown echoes similar action in 2020 in the run-up to the previous general election. Tools to bypass national network restrictions are illegal and punishable by law. Traditional media such as radio, television and newspapers face growing government censorship and surveillance pressure.

What is the effect on social and political debates?
Tanzania is set for general elections on 29 October 2025. The restrictions on social media will doubtless be felt. The restrictions reduce the platforms available for open discussion of government policies, political ideas and election choices. This shrinking digital space undermines public participation and limits access to diverse viewpoints critical for democratic debate.

Social media also play another important role. Social media users are known to expose electoral fraud, misinformation and government misconduct. The scales are tilted against dissent, opposition narratives and minority voices. At the same time, misinformation and hate speech may grow. This can increase the risks of polarisation and identity-based tensions.

The expanding restrictions reflect a governance model favouring information control over transparency and accountability. This can normalise censorship, arbitrary detentions and media suppression. In essence, Tanzania’s social media curbs are likely to weaken governance. They undermine transparency, increase tension, and erode public trust, limiting democratic accountability.

Leah Mwainyekule is a lecturer at the University of Westminster. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article at https://theconversation.com/tanzanias-social-media­clampdown-and-the-elections-whats-at-risk-265215.

TANZANIA IN THE INTERNATIONAL MEDIA

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by Donovan McGrath
Tanzania Commits to Guarantee Sea Access for Landlocked Neighbours
(Fana Media (FMC) online – Ethiopia) Tanzania has reaffirmed its commitment to providing uninterrupted sea access to landlocked neighbouring countries through the Port of Dar es Salaam, underscoring its role in advancing regional connectivity and trade facilitation. Extract continues: In his recent speech at the Third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries in Awaza, Turkmenistan, Tanzania’s Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Transport, Prof. Godius Kahyarara, said the government is removing operational bottlenecks to ensure efficient cargo handling for partner states. He noted that the Standard Gauge Railway network and one-stop border posts are being expanded to speed up the movement of goods to and from the port, benefiting countries such as Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Malawi, Zambia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. According to the Permanent Secretary, these measures are in line with Tanzania’s obligations under regional and international frameworks to facilitate transit trade for landlocked states… (10 August 2025)

X restricted in Tanzania after police targeted by hackers
(BBC News online – UK) Extract: Access to the social media platform X [formerly Twitter] has been restricted in Tanzania after some official accounts of government and private institutions were targeted by hackers… [The] official police account was compromised, with sexually explicit material and false information that the president had died being posted. The police dissociated itself from the information and said an investigation was under way to identify those responsible. Hours later data from the internet monitoring organisation Netblocks showed that X was “unreachable on major internet providers” across the country. Users in Dar es Salaam, the country’s biggest city, could still not access the site … unless they use virtual private networks (VPNs), which is illegal without a permit, although some people in other regions indicated they were able to log on. The authorities have not commented on whether they are blocking access to X. But information Minister Jerry Silaa has acknowledged the hacking and assured MPs in parliament that the affected government social media accounts had since been secured… (21 May 2025)

Tanzania lifts ban on agriculture imports from South Africa, Malawi
(Reuters online – UK) Extract: Tanzania has lifted a ban on imports of agricultural produce from Malawi and South Africa … days after imposing it in retaliation for similar measures imposed by the two southern African nations. Tanzania Plant Health and Pesticides Authority (TPHPA)’s director general, Joseph Ndunguru, said that Tanzania was lifting the ban effective immediately to allow for “a diplomatic ministerial discussion.” The two countries had reached out separately seeking to resolve the trade dispute through dialogue, he said… The three countries all belong to a regional economic bloc, the Southern African Development Community (SADC). South Africa’s Minister for International Relations and Cooperation Ronald Lamola welcomed Tanzania’s move to lift the ban, saying it underscored the strong relations between both nations… Malawi recently banned imports of Tanzanian agricultural commodities like maize flour, rice, ginger, and bananas, among other products, while South Africa has also stopped imports of bananas shipped by Tanzania. (26 April 2025)

Unlikely country emerges as hidden Blue Zone as doctors say switch to Kilimanjaro diet NOW
(Daily Mail online – UK) Extract: The Mediterranean diet has long been hailed as the healthiest way to eat. Emphasizing lean fish, leafy green vegetables and healthy fats like avocado and olive oil, the diet has roots dating back to ancient Greece and Rome, which are now dubbed Blue Zones. Blue Zones are places lauded as longevity hotspots with low rates of chronic disease and significant amounts of people living well into their 90s and beyond. Though the Mediterranean diet has earned the title of healthiest fare year after year, the cuisine a nation in Africa could soon take its place. Dutch researchers … found people in Tanzania … are far healthier than western nations due to a focus on unprocessed, traditional foods. The Tanzanian Kilimanjaro diet, named after the volcano Mount Kilimanjaro, focuses on foods like okra, plantains and beans, and drinks like mbege, made with fermented banana and the grain millet. The researchers found men who followed the Kilimanjaro diet had significantly lower levels of inflammation and stronger immune systems. Experts behind the study believe it’s the diet’s lack of processed food that keeps inflammation at bay, lowering the risk of chronic diseases and possibly extending lifespan. ‘Our study highlights the benefits of these traditional food products for inflammation and metabolic processes in the body,’ said Dr. Quirijn de Mast, lead study author and infectious disease specialist at Radboud University Medical Center in the Netherlands. ‘At the same time, we show how harmful an unhealthy Western diet can be.’ The researchers recruited 77 healthy Tanzanian men with an average age of 25. Of those, 23 men who normally followed the Kilimanjaro diet were asked to switch to a typical western diet for two weeks, which included foods like processed sausages, white bread and fries. Meanwhile, 22 who typically ate western meals followed the Kilimanjaro plan for two weeks. This included eating corn, okra, plantains, kidney beans and avocados. Another 22 on the western diet also were asked to drink one serving of mbege every day of the week. Five men who maintained their normal diets were used as controls. The researchers found people who switched from the Kilimanjaro to the western diet had higher levels of inflammatory proteins in their blood. Their immune cells were also less effective in warding off pathogens… Those who switched to the Kilimanjaro eating plan, however, saw the opposite effect… However, while diet seems to have similar effects as the one that came out of the Mediterranean, Tanzania itself is not considered a Blue Zone. The average life expectancy is 67 – in the US, it is 77. Greece and Italy – two countries that adhere to the Mediterranean diet – have an average life expectancy of 82 and 84 years old, respectively… (25 April 2025)

Play dead! Footballers suddenly hit the deck as match is suspended for bizarre reason
(Daily Mail online – USA) Extract: A football match was suspended due to an emergency in the middle of play that saw players forced to lie on the ground and take cover due to a swarm of bees. Players, referees, and a cameraman were forced to take evasive action in Babati, Tanzania during an encounter between City FC Abuja and JKU FC. The two teams were level at 1-1 in the 78th minute at Kwaraa Stadium when the match was stopped to ensure the safety of the players… It is not the first time such an incident has disrupted a major sporting event, with Carlos Alcaraz and Alexander Zverev forced to run for cover during their Indian Wells quarter-final in 2024 after a swarm of bees invaded the court… (19 May 2025)

Tanzanian lawmaker’s church shut down after he accuses government of human rights abuses
(AP News online – USA) Extract: Tanzanian authorities deregistered a church owned by a ruling party lawmaker after he accused the government of human rights violations ahead of October elections. Parliament member Josephat Gwajima’s Glory of Christ church in the commercial capital, Dar es Salaam, was cordoned off by police … after hundreds of congregants turned up to protest the closure announcement. Tanzania’s registrar of societies wrote a letter deregistering Gwajima’s church, saying his sermons contravened acceptable conduct of religious organizations. Gwajima … called out the government for what he called detentions and enforced disappearances, warning his congregants to be wary. His message came days after a Kenyan activist and his Ugandan counterpart accused the Tanzanian police of torturing them after arresting them ahead of opposition leader Tundu Lissu’s treason case court proceedings… (4 June 2025)

Perilous journey: A gay Tanzanian man’s quest for freedom across the English Channel
(AP News online – USA) Isaac stared down at his sandals and wondered out loud how suitable they’d be for the ordeal ahead: A perilous crossing of the English Channel, where scores of desperate people before him have drowned trying to reach the U.K. Extract continues: The 35-year-old from Tanzania never expected, or wanted, to be here, surviving hand-to-mouth in a makeshift woodland camp in northern France, with dozens of other migrants… “I wouldn’t be sitting here if I had a choice,” Isaac said. “I didn’t know what to expect. I didn’t even bring a jacket or sweater.” All Isaac wants is to live freely as himself, a gay man. That aspiration is denied in Tanzania, where homosexuality is taboo and criminalized. A ferocious beating by a group of men that left his shoulder with permanent pain convinced him that his East African homeland, where he’d worked to put himself through school, would never accept him. So he left. Three years later, Isaac now finds himself sitting on dirt and pine needles, hungrily chewing a boiled-egg baguette sandwich provided by men that he paid for a place on a flimsy inflatable boat. When it will leave, whether French police will stop it from setting off from a nearby beach, whether Isaac and other men, women and children waiting with 42 Tanzania in the International Media him will reach the U.K. or die trying – all these are unknowns. (9 July 2025)

How tech-savvy Tanzanians are shaping elections
(Deutsche Weller News online – Germany) Growing frustration, rising political awareness, and ever-present social media are influencing the run-up to Tanzania’s October election. And young people are stepping into the spotlight – online and on stage. Extract continues: Tanzania’s electoral process faces unprecedented scrutiny, particularly after the arrest of Tundu Lissu, the outspoken leader of the main opposition party CHADEMA (Party of Democracy and Development). His detention on treason charges has ignited a powerful, youth-led national debate centered around the party’s provocative slogan: “No Reform, No Election.” This heated atmosphere saw DW’s Kiswahili-language program “Maoni Mtaani” hold an open debate at St. Augustine University in Mwanza on the shores of Lake Victoria… The theme for this debate – “Click. Like. Vote: Can social media influence your choice during elections?” – was especially topical considering the current political climate, even though the timing was coincidental. “There is a misconception that politics is a dirty game,” said Edwin Odemba, one of the four panellists and host of the Star TV program “Medani za Siasa” (“The World of Politics”). He urged young Tanzanians to reject this notion and instead “participate in the political process through their vote, so that they can be involved in shaping reforms that prioritize their interests.” Tanzania’s October general election is shaping up to be a one-horse race. The ruling CCM party – in power since Tanzania gained independence over 60 years ago – is expected to face no serious challengers. The Tanzanian Electoral Commission disqualified Tundu Lissu’s CHADEMA party from the 2025 presidential and parliamentary elections, citing the party’s failure to sign a mandatory electoral code of conduct agreement by the required deadline. This episode of the “Maoni Mtaani” discussion also gauged the progress young people have made since previous elections – demonstrating greater discernment by voting based on issues rather than the persuasive tactics of politicians. “It’s not the same as it was during the last elections,” remarked a user of DW Kiswahili’s Facebook channel, saying social media now serves both as a key source of information and a space where he can freely share his opinions. “The rise of social media platforms has shifted control of the narrative away from politicians, opening the door for young people to shape and share their own stories online,” said panellist Charles Maganga from Jamii Africa, a Dar es Salaam-based digital platform that promotes transparency, digital rights, and civic engagement across Africa. In Tanzania, young people have been criticized for not participating fully in the electoral process … (11 June 2025)


The Egyptians finding a ‘second home’ after migrating south to Tanzania
(Aljazeera online – Qatar) As Europe fortifies its borders, growing numbers of North Africans are moving southwards into other African countries. Extract continues: When Ahmed Ginah first left his village in Egypt’s northern delta for the Tanzanian capital in 2017, it was with little more than a dream. Four years later, he named his company after that dream. “When I first came to Tanzania at 28, no one imagined why I would head south,” Ginah, who is lightheartedly called the “Mayor of Egyptians in Dar-es-Salaam”, told Al Jazeera, saying that in the minds of many of his friends and family back home, countries in sub-Saharan Africa are tainted by stereotypes of famine, poverty and disease. But when Ginah arrived, what he found were opportunities – and a chance to build something new. “In 2021, I established my company, Dream [Trading],” he said, in recognition of his “dream” to be a success. He set it up with savings of $3,000, tapping into a growing market importing and exporting aluminium household goods. As the years progressed, he expanded into the steel business. But beyond work, the 36-year-old is also somewhat of a benevolent godfather figure for other North African migrants making the journey southward… Typically, Egyptians who move to Tanzania already have a relative or friend living there. For those who don’t, Ginah helps them find a place to stay, sometimes offering them a job at Dream and helping cover their rent if they’re an employee. He also introduces them to the work system in Tanzania, and gives them a lay of the land about cities where they can potentially work. “However, the most important thing I provide,” said Ginah, “is a trusted, guaranteed translator.” In urban centres in Tanzania, people speak English. But many village residents only speak Swahili. This could lead to misunderstandings and expose newcomers to “fraud or scams”, Ginah said, so he lends a helping hand… (23 July 2025)

At least 38 people killed in Tanzania bus collision, subsequent fire
(Aljazeera online – Qatar) Extract: Nearly 40 people have been killed after a bus and a minibus collided in Tanzania, sparking a fire that engulfed both vehicles. The crash occurred … in Sabasaba in the Kilimanjaro region after one of the bus’s tyres was punctured, causing the driver to lose control of the vehicle. “A total of 38 people died in the crash, including two women,” a statement by the presidency said… “Due to the extent of the burns, 36 bodies remain unidentified.” The nationalities of the victims were not immediately known. Twenty-eight people were injured, six of whom were still in hospital for treatment, the presidency added. President Samia Suluhu Hassan expressed “heartfelt condolences” to the bereaved families and wished a “quick recovery” to those injured. She also called for stricter adherence to road safety as deadly vehicle crashes are frequent on Tanzania’s roads… (29 June 2025)

SPORT

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by Philip Richards

Athletics: Marathon win for Alphonse Simbu

Simbu celebtrates his win


Tanzanian sport recently made history at the World Athletics Championships held in Tokyo between 13-21 September 2025. Congratulations to Alphonce Simbu, who won the Men’s marathon event in sensational style by dipping ahead of Petros, his German competitor, at the finish line by a mere three-hundredths of a second.

Simbu has been a prominent athlete at marathon level for some time, having won a bronze medal at the 2017 World Athletics Championships, followed up by a silver medal at the 2022 Commonwealth Games, but has now taken his career to new heights. He is quoted as saying, “Today means celebrations in Tanzania. We have written new history as a country. It was my dream. I am at peace. It is about discipline, training and never giving up. After 2017 I have been trying to win another medal but failed at it. Last year Paris [Olympics] was a challenge and this year I told myself: I will try my best. I did different types of training under different weather conditions.”

Born in Singida, an area famous for Rift Valley lakes, flamingos and sunflower oil, Simbu will surely be awarded a heroic welcome when he returns to the country. This journal has often expressed frustration, but also hope, that another Tanzania athlete would emulate the success of Filbert Bayi in the 1970s. It has been a long time in coming, but we hope that the country builds on Simbu’s success and this is the start of a new golden era of Tanzanian athletics and sport in general.

Football
Less positive news from the football pitch where Taifa Stars, the men’s national team, exited the 2026 World Cup qualifiers with a surprise 0-1 home defeat to Niger. Niger’s forward Daniel Sosah silenced the home crowd at the New Amaan Complex, Zanzibar, with a strike in the 58th minute. The team have now slipped to 107th in the FIFA world rankings.

And finally, for something different…the Goat Races

Dar es Salaam goat race

September sees the annual running of the goats in Dar es Salaam! The Rotary Goat Races is a charity event conducted by the Rotary Club of Dar Es Salaam Oyster Bay. The charity’s focus includes literacy and education, water and sanitation and many others.

The beginning of goat racing in Tanzania started in 2001 following a similar event held in Uganda. In 2017, the original Charity Goat Races came to an end. The committee of the goat races decided to take a break despite the achievements and the decision left all the followers of goat racing in sorrow and wondering why it ended. However, Rotary Club of Dar es Salaam revived it in 2018 and also included competitions for the spectators such as best dressed couple. From then on, it has been a mainstay in the Dar calendar of sporting and social events. The 2025 event had 7 sponsored races in its schedule.

REVIEWS

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by Martin Walsh

SALAMA BINTI RUBEYA: MEMORIES FROM THE SWAHILI LITTORAL. Ida Hadjivayanis and Salha Hamdani. Mbiu Press, Dar es Salaam, 2025. ISBN 9789912752238 (paperback). TSh 15,000. Also available to rent as an e-book: https://lantern.co.tz/books/salama-binti-rubeya-memories-from-the-swahili-littoral-9789912752238

Marriage. A word that once meant nothing but love to me, noble, selfless, pure. As I grew older, I began to see the cracks in that simplicity. Marriage, I’ve come to realise, is layered, complicated, and never just about romance.

Reading Salama Binti Rubeya: Memories from the Swahili Littoral by Dr. Ida Hadjivayanis and Bi. Salha Hamdani deepened that understanding. In its pages, marriage becomes more than love. It is a symbol of freedom, independence, and a transition from girlhood into womanhood.

We follow Salama binti Rubeya’s life in the 1910s, as remembered by her daughter, Salha Hamdani, and her granddaughter, Dr. Ida Hadjivayanis. These memories, some drawn directly from recorded interviews, others recalled through family stories, create an intimate portrait of a resilient woman whose life carried the weight of history.

“Salama’s narrative lets us into a world that once was and allows us to see a retelling of a certain event in history through the eyes of a woman.”

East African history has often been recorded by academics, with little space for the voices of ordinary citizens. This book shows that powerful narratives can also emerge from women like Salama, whom Dr. Ida refers to as “an unassuming woman” in the coastal story.

The book bridges formal history with lived memory, demonstrating how family stories intersect with those of scholars. It does not reject the work of historians but complements it by placing Salama’s memories alongside academic research. In this way, it demonstrates how personal experience can add depth to written history, providing readers with a fuller understanding of the past.

Salama’s childhood highlights how gender roles defined daily life. As a girl in Kilwa, she was free to move within the world of women, listening to her grandfather’s conversations with guests until age forced her behind a curtain. It was from that hidden corner that she first saw Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Hamdani, the man who would become her husband and the father of her children.

“She was free to roam the world of women, indoors, but it is through a curtain that she gets glimpses of the world of men. To her, it feels almost revolutionary because she did get to hear more than what most women around her ever did.”

Within this world, women were barred from school and excluded from social life unless they were wives or accompanied by men. Marriage and divorce became some of the few routes to freedom and self-determination. It was not unusual for women to marry multiple times without shame. Salama’s mother, Binti Mbwana, remarried after her husband’s death. As a widow, she lacked the liberty of a married woman or even a divorcee.

“Salama believes that she remarried because she missed her social life and the liberty that came with marriage rather than falling in love with the man.”

Stories like Salama Binti Rubeya’s show how marriage has evolved. Today, it carries a different meaning, raising questions about whether those changes have improved or worsened it. This makes the book a compelling read for anyone interested in social issues.

Race, identity, class, and ethnicity also run through these pages. When Salama moved to Zanzibar, a cosmopolitan port shaped by the Indian Ocean trade, she encountered rigid hierarchies. Arabs from Oman controlled most of the land, and Salama observed how wealth and privilege were unequally distributed.

Another theme is the importance of female friendship and sisterhood. Such relationships offer women a safe space to heal, to share their struggles without fear of judgment. From Salama’s mother to Salama herself, we see how friendship provided a sense of belonging and a vital outlet. For Salama, sisterhood took shape in her neighbourhood, built on common interests such as food, fashion, and art.

“In fact, women used to walk together and return home together as they discussed the film they had just watched. For a week or so following the screening, women would discuss the film, link it to reality, and draw new conclusions.”

Salama Binti Rubeya: Memories from the Swahili Littoral sheds light on the struggle for independence, the Zanzibar Revolution, and its aftermath for Salama’s family. Her son, Abdulrahman Guy, the primary breadwinner, bore the brunt of this turbulent period. His fate was another testament to Salama’s resilience and endurance.

A reminder that history is not just a collection of dates and events, but the choices and struggles of people like Salama. It is for anyone who wants to understand the Swahili littoral through the lived experience of a woman who was curious, multicultural, and unapologetically herself. It takes us through Zanzibar and Kilwa before colonialism, into the revolution, and its aftermath. Above all, it reminds us why telling our stories matters.

(This review was first published in The Citizen newspaper: https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/tanzania/magazines/success/-salama-binti-rubeya-memories-from-the-swahili-littoral-by-ida-hadjivayanis-salha-hamdani-5193638.)
Jane Shussa
Jane Shussa is a Tanzanian writer, digital communications specialist, and weekly book reviewer for The Citizen newspaper. A storyteller committed to sharing and amplifying East African stories and perspectives, she invites readers to discover new books. Outside the pages, she enjoys hiking, savouring coffee, caring for her plants, and watching the sky.

MWALIMU JULIUS KAMBARAGE NYERERE: PHOTOGRAPHIC JOURNEY. Mama Maria Nyerere (introduction), Palamagamba Kabudi, Kumail Jafferji, Mahmoud Thabit Kombo, Ali Sultan (text), Adarsh Nayar (photographs), Javed Jafferji (photo editor). Print Plus Media Ltd, Zanzibar, Zanzibar, 2024. 350 pp. ISBN 9789912989917 (hardback) US$40.00. Available from TPH Bookshops in Dar es Salaam and Dodoma, and Zuri Rituals Boutique in Zanzibar.

PHOTOGRAPHIC JOURNEY: 60 YEARS OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA, THE UNION OF TANGANYIKA AND ZANZIBAR 1964-2024. Mahmoud Thabit Kombo Jecha and Kumail Jafferji (eds.). Print Plus Media Ltd, Zanzibar, 2024. 232 pp. ISBN 9789912416321 (hardback) US$40.00. Available from TPH Bookshops in Dar es Salaam and Dodoma, and Zuri Rituals Boutique in Zanzibar.

These two remarkable books constitute a photographic reflection on first the life of Julius Nyerere and second the history of the Union. Whilst the numerous photographs spread between the two books are an excellent historical archive the text in both cases constitutes an authoritative exposition of both Tanzania’s modern history and also of many aspects of Nyerere’s life from student days to his death in 1999. Both books include a foreword by President Dr Samia Suluhu Hassan which are an eloquent statement of how much she and many Tanzanians owe to his example and inspiration.

The book devoted to Nyerere embraces a host of photographs which capture the long arc of his life, whilst containing some surprising nuggets. These range from the fact that he wrote and published a book whilst in his second year at Makerere entitled Uhuru wa Wanawake, translated into English as Women’s Freedom: Women are Eagles Not Chickens. The proceeds from the book were used to establish a scholarship fund for female students at Makerere (which is still active). Secondly, the hard-won victory in the war with Uganda in 1979 was assisted by the supply by Algeria of Russian missiles.

The photographic highlights of the book include:
-A handshake with Mao Zedong in 1965, a subsequent address to a rally in Beijing, a walk hand-in-hand with Zhou Enlai, and a tea party with Mao, Zhou Enlai and Liu Shaoqi;
– Formal and informal meetings with all the heads of the ‘Frontline States’, each of which owed a debt to Tanzania for her support before they achieved independence;
-Meetings surrounding the making of the Union in 1964, notably with both Abeid Karume (who became his Vice President) and Sheikh Thabit Kombo (who is described as a key link for Nyerere into Zanzibar’s Revolutionary Council);
– Joan Wicken, Nyerere’s personal secretary who shared his political ideals and drafted some of his key speeches;
-An address to the parliament in Cape Town, the rewarding consequence of more than 30 years of support for the ANC and its military wing based in Tanzania;
-A visit with Fidel Castro to a training farm at Ruvu in 1977.

The text of the book is greatly strengthened by a description of 40 “key relationships” which ranges from his close associates in government (including the first women cabinet ministers), including his long-standing VP Rashidi Kawawa and highly-regarded Foreign Minister Salim Ahmed Salim, and extends to twenty heads of state, with a clear discussion of their relationships with Nyerere.

Whilst there are now many biographies or semi-biographies of Nyerere, this amalgam of text and the photographic record are a unique tribute to the life of this extraordinary man and leading statesman.

It is balanced by a photographic history of the Union, which is an update of an earlier book that covered 50 years rather than 60, first published in 2014. The new edition points out that nearly 70% of today’s Tanzanians were born after the Union of 1964, making records of this kind particularly important. Its photos range from a celebration by ivory traders of a large set of elephant tusks to the railway train to Bububu opened in 1905. It neatly captures the fragility of the newly-elected Sultan’s government of December 1963 with a picture of Karume being presented to Sultan Jamshid. It does not flinch from a fairly unvarnished account of the subsequent revolution, although it downplays the role of that most elusive figure, John Okello. It captures the ‘western’ response to the revolution by quoting the New York Times declaring after the revolution that “Zanzibar was on the verge becoming the new Cuba”.

The text is far from sycophantic and accurately describes both the enthusiasm surrounding the Arusha Declaration in 1967, and its quasi-reversal in the Zanzibar Declaration of 1991.

The combination of photographic history and the text make this both an excellent record of the Union and a valuable summary of many of the cornerstones of its story. It is unfortunate that for the time being the books are only available in Tanzania, a situation hopefully to be corrected before long.
Laurence Cockcroft
Laurence Cockcroft is a development economist who worked in Tanzania (at ‘Devplan’ and TRDB) from 1970-72 and subsequently helped to establish the Tanzania Gatsby Trust where he was a Trustee from 1985 to 2015. He is also a co-founder of Transparency International and has written and spoken widely on questions surrounding global corruption.

Also noticed:

ON THE FRONTIERS OF THE INDIAN OCEAN WORLD: A HISTORY OF LAKE TANGANYIKA, c. 1830-1890. Philip Gooding. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2022. xiii + 251 pp. ISBN 9781009100748 (hardback) £78.00. ISBN 9781009114189 (paperback) £29.99; ISBN 9781009122023 (online) £29.99.

This welcome and well-received book by Philip Gooding at McGill University in Montreal is published by Cambridge University Press in the Cambridge Oceanic Histories series and described by them as follows:

“This is the first interdisciplinary history of Lake Tanganyika and of eastern Africa’s relationship with the wider Indian Ocean World during the nineteenth century. Philip Gooding deploys diverse source materials, including oral, climatological, anthropological, and archaeological sources, to ground interpretations of the better-known, European-authored archive in local epistemologies and understandings of the past. Gooding shows that Lake Tanganyika’s shape, location, and distinctive lacustrine environment contributed to phenomena traditionally associated with the history of the wider Indian Ocean World being negotiated, contested, and re-imagined in particularly robust ways. He adds novel contributions to African and Indian Ocean histories of urbanism, the environment, spirituality, kinship, commerce, consumption, material culture, bondage, slavery, Islam, and capitalism. African peoples and environments are positioned as central to the histories of global economies, religions, and cultures.”

There’s a lot for other researchers to build on here, as well as gaps to fill, for example in considering the impacts of the above on language use around the lake and beyond, and by using linguistic evidence itself as a historical source. While we can’t expect all historians to be linguists, an understanding of the basics does help, as Gooding illustrates by his eccentric decision to anglicise Swahili and other vernacular terms by chopping off their noun class prefixes. Unfortunately, he does this inconsistently and sometimes wrongly. The result is a muddle of conventional usage and unfamiliar neologisms that make little sense without the glosses supplied. It’s embarrassing that the examiners and other readers of the author’s work as it evolved from doctoral dissertation (SOAS, 2017) into book did not pick this up, and it detracts from the author’s otherwise fine scholarship.
Martin Walsh
Martin Walsh is the Book Reviews Editor of Tanzanian Affairs.

KENYA’S SWAHILI COAST: FROM THE ROMAN EMPIRE TO 1888.
Judy Aldrick. Old Africa Books, Naivasha, Kenya, 2024. 256 pp. ISBN 9798320843643 (paperback) £13.99.
Although its primary focus is on Kenya, there’s much in this book that’s relevant to the history of the East African coast as a whole. It’s been written for a general audience by Judy Aldrick, whose work will be familiar to many with an interest in the region’s past (see https://www.historyofeastafrica.com/, where her regular newsletter on Kenyan coastal history can also be found). Here’s her own summary of what’s in store for readers of her latest book:

“The story of the Swahili Coast is full of drama and adventure, unexpected twists and turns and visitors who came and went and left their mark. As far back as Roman Times the East African Coast was part of a well organised trade network. The Islamic era brought in wealth and settlement, then came the Portuguese and a period of disruption. Swahili civilisation hung in the balance, until Arabs from Oman moved in revitalising the Coast but also bringing in petty squabbles as ruling families and towns fought for power. Zanzibar emerged victorious and wealth started to flow back into the region, until Europeans began to interfere.

There are facts and dates but also tales of myth and magic, of unsolved mysteries, tragic heroes and cruel villains. In a brutal age, life was lived in the raw. Treachery and betrayal and reckless action caused dangerous moments of peril, while expediency and pragmatic diplomacy often saved the day. Throughout the narrative the resilience and survival of the Swahili people shine through.

The cut-off point is set at 1888 when modern history of Kenya begins, and there is no longer separation between Coast and hinterland.”
Martin Walsh

SWAHILI FOR DUMMIES. Seline Okeno and Asmaha Heddi. John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey, 2024. xii + 352 pp. ISBN 9781394191567 (paperback) £18.99; ISBN 9781394191574 (e-book) starting at £14.99.

According to the publisher’s blurb, “Swahili For Dummies will teach you the basics of Swahili, so you can start conversing in Africa’s language of commerce. This book introduces you to the foundations of Swahili grammar and enables you to engage in basic conversations. With the simplified Dummies learning process, you’ll quickly get a grasp on the language, without complex terms and confusing explanations. You’ll also move through the book at a comfortable pace, so you’ll be familiar with what you’ve learned before moving on to more complex stuff. Focus on communication and interaction in everyday situations, so you can actually use the language you’re studying – right away.
-Understand the basics of Swahili
-Learn everyday words and phrases
-Gain the confidence to engage in conversations in Swahili
-Communicate while traveling and talk to Swahili-speaking family members

“Swahili For Dummies is for readers of all ages who want to learn the basics of Swahili in a no-stress, beginner-friendly way. Swahili teachers will also love sharing this practical approach with their students.”

Moreover, if you reach page 287, you’ll find your vocabulary being enriched by “Ten Words You Should Never Say in Swahili”, including words and phrases that are only rude when used to describe humans rather than animals. You’ll also learn some up-country misspellings. But providing this kind of list isn’t a bad idea, especially for those hapless tourists who are trained to utter insults by beachboys pretending to teach them everyday Swahili greetings. As well as such greenhorns, the book as a whole might also be of value to those needing to brush up on basics like the structure and use of noun class prefixes.
Martin Walsh

OBITUARIES

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by Ben Taylor
Former Speaker of the National Assembly of Tanzania, Job Ndugai, has died at the age of 62. He passed away on August 6, 2025, while receiving treatment at a hospital in Dodoma.

Born on January 21, 1963, Job Ndugai served as Member of Parliament for Kongwa and held various senior positions in Parliament, including Deputy Speaker from 2010 to 2015. He was elected Speaker in 2015, a position he held until his resignation in January 2022.
His resignation came amid public consternation following controversial remarks he made about Tanzania’s borrowing and national debt, which drew criticism both within and outside his party. He had warned against mounting debt levels saying it risked the country being “auctioned”. In stepping down, Ndugai said he was acting in the best interest of the country and Parliament. Later, after a stern public rebuke from President Samia Suluhu Hassan, he apologised for his remarks and said he had been wrong.

As Speaker, Ndugai often faced criticism for appearing overly compliant with the government at the expense of parliamentary independence. Some analysts criticised him for presiding over what they considered the weakest parliament between 2015 and 2020, during President John Magufuli’s first administration. He dismissed the criticism, telling a local publication that those faulting him did not understand parliamentary democracy.

In a statement, President Hassan said she “received with sorrow” the news of Ndugai’s death, and has sent condolences to his family and friends.

Dr Jane Goodall


World-renowned primatologist and conservationist, Dr Jane Goodall, died on October 1, 2025 at the age of 91. Best known for her work studying wild chimpanzees, Jane Goodall’s discoveries would not just revolutionise our understanding of animal behaviour but reshape the way we define ourselves as human beings.

Born in London in 1934, Goodall became fascinated by animals as a child after reading Dr Doolittle. She began researching free-living chimpanzees at Gombe in western Tanzania in 1960. It was to be the beginning of a sixty-year study of wild chimpanzees.

She learned to communicate with them – the embracing, playing and patting – even the kisses. She was the first person to record witnessing an animal using a tool; a male chimpanzee digging termites out of a mound with a stick. Until then, it was thought only humans had sufficient intelligence.

When she first went to Africa to study chimpanzees at the age of 26, Jane had no formal scientific training but managed to win the trust of the primates. She won the respect of the scientific establishment, too: in the 1960s she was just the eighth person admitted to Cambridge University as a PhD candidate without an undergraduate degree.

In 1977 she founded the Jane Goodall Institute, which works to protect the species and supports youth projects aimed at benefiting animals and the environment. It now has officers in more than 25 countries around the world. In 1991, the institute launched the Roots and Shoots project to involve young people in conservation – now a network of active young people across nearly 100 countries.

Earlier this year, Goodall received America’s highest civilian honour – the Medal of Freedom – from outgoing President Joe Biden. Previously, in 2004 she received a damehood, the title of Dame Commander of the Order of the British Empire (DBE), as well as Japan’s Kyoto Prize in 1990, a Unesco Gold Medal Award in 2006 and France’s Legion d’Honneur the same year. She was a Messenger of Peace for The United Nations.

She was honoured too by toy companies Barbie and Lego. In 2022, the Barbie Inspiring Women Series created a doll depicting Goodall wearing khaki and binoculars and paired with chimpanzee David Greybeard. Lego’s toy comprises a mini figure showing her among trees, surrounded by chimps. It was also released in 2022, in commemoration of International Women’s Day.

English naturalist and photographer Chris Packham described Goodall “revolutionary” and “remarkable”. “She loved life, she was fascinated by life,” he said, which was an “enormous motivating force” for her work.
Right up until her death, he said, she was still speaking in a “calm, calculated, deliberate way… to make sure that we can do everything we can to protect life on earth”.

António Guterres, Secretary-General of the UN, wrote in a tribute that he was “deeply saddened” by her passing. “She is leaving an extraordinary legacy for humanity and our planet”.

Remembering Dr Jane Goodall: thrilling chimpanzee hoots, deep inspiration and a profound commitment to people and nature
Paul Harrison, Chair, Britain Tanzania Society, 1st October 2025

The news of Dr. Jane Goodall’s passing was a shock, even though it came after a life lived so fully, so actively, and with such dedication to the very end. Having only just seen her briefly last week, greeting her and having a moment to reflect with her, it feels like a final gift from a woman who was always giving. Jane was, quite simply, a unique human being – a legend in the conservation world, a force of nature and a beacon of hope who worked harder than most in her nineties to the very end.

I first had the privilege of meeting Jane in Uganda back in 1994. The setting was a hotel conference room, yet the air was charged with her singular presence. I vividly remember sitting in a packed room, utterly captivated as she spoke. Then, to everyone’s delight, she broke into her now famous, resonant chimpanzee calls. The sounds filled the room, a wild and authentic echo of the forest, instantly transporting us to Gombe. It was electrifying, and a moment when her deep connection to the chimps was made utterly tangible. I met her afterwards. From there I went onto my first conservation role, in the southwest of Uganda, utterly inspired.

Our paths crossed again in 1998 in Dar es Salaam when I was living there. I had the great fortune of spending time with her at her place, a quiet evening that allowed for a more intimate conversation. I remember us sharing a wee dram – a perfect setting to listen to her wisdom and her quiet determination, as well as get a sense of her humour. I also took on board some of her profound serenity, was steered by it.

Jane Goodall’s life was one of utter determination. She never rested, tirelessly travelling over 300 days a year, carrying the message that every single person can make a difference. Sometime later, at Gatwick airport, I was able to help her with her luggage upon her return to the UK. It was a brief, unremarkable moment, yet it perfectly sums up Jane: always on the move, always travelling the globe for the cause, and always humble and gracious.

Jane managed to bring nations and people together around the conservation and community development cause, particularly playing her part in forging strong bonds between the UK and Tanzania, the country that became the stage for her life’s work. Her influence moved far beyond science and into education and advocacy: she inspired global policy and catalysed a generation of young conservationists through her Roots & Shoots programme.

Reflecting on her final days, the way she went – full of faculties, active, working and travelling to the end – is the perfect narrative for her life. She never stopped fighting for chimpanzees and the environment they call home as well as for the people who live amongst nature and the wild. Jane has left this world having given whole life for people, nature and our closest relatives.

The world is a quieter, sadder place without her physical presence, but the hoots of the chimps, and the inspiration she gave to me and so many others, including my daughter, will live on.

POLITICS

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Tundu Lissu during his court appearance in April 2025

Tundu Lissu arrested, charged with treason
On April 9, 2025, Tundu Lissu, the recently elected chairperson of Chadema, the most prominent opposition party, and the party’s most likely 2025 presidential candidate, was arrested in Mbinga, southwest Tanzania. He had been addressing a rally calling for electoral reforms under the slogan “No Reforms, No Election.”

Lissu was charged with treason, a non-bailable offense carrying a potential death penalty, and three counts of “publication of false information” under Tanzania’s cybercrime laws, stemming from a YouTube post on April 3, 2025, alleging police involvement in electoral malpractices ordered by President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

Lissu was transferred to Dar es Salaam and appeared at Kisutu Magistrates Court on April 10, 2025. His treason case was adjourned to April 24, 2025, and he remains in custody, as treason charges do not allow bail.

On April 24, the police used force, including teargas, to disperse Chadema supporters outside the court, injuring at least 14 people. Lissu refused to attend a virtual court hearing, and two Chadema officials, John Heche and John Mnyika, were arrested en route to a join a group of supporters near the courthouse.

In context
On April 12, 2025, the Independent National Elections Commission barred Chadema from participating in the October 2025 elections, citing the party’s refusal to sign an electoral code of conduct, which Chadema views as a tool to suppress opposition. This disqualification severely limits Lissu’s and Chadema’s ability to challenge the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).

Lissu has consistently called for an electoral commission that is genuinely independent, arguing that the current one, appointed by President Hassan, cannot ensure free and fair elections. His campaign intensified after the November 2024 local elections, where Chadema claimed thousands of its candidates were disqualified, allowing CCM to win almost all the seats contested.

A recent address to party members included a strong reminder of last year’s local government elections where official results gave candidates from the ruling CCM party more than 99% of the grassroots level seats at stake amid widespread claims of electoral fraud. “After going through that experience, any Chadema member who hopes to win in the same circumstances is not serious,” Lissu said. “We will just be slaughtered again, and that’s why we are pushing for reforms across the entire system of conducting the elections to prevent a repeat of that kind of farce.”

In September 2024, a senior Chadema official, Ali Mohamed Kibao, was abducted and killed, and the Tanganyika Law Society has reported 83 abductions or disappearances of government critics. There have also been mass arrests, including over 100 Chadema members (and five journalists) in Mbeya in August 2024, for planning a youth rally.

Lissu is no stranger to political difficulties. In 2017, he survived an assassination attempt, sustaining 16 bullet wounds, which forced him into exile in Belgium until 2020. He ran against President John Magufuli in the 2020 election, which was marred by allegations of rigging, and returned to Tanzania in 2023 after Hassan lifted a ban on rallies.

Some responses
Neither the Home Affairs Minister, Prime Minister nor President Samia Suluhu Hassan have directly addressed Lissu’s April 2025 arrest in public statements available up to May 15, 2025.

President Samia has previously positioned herself as open to dialogue with opposition leaders, though Chadema leaders have questioned how wholehearted these efforts have been. Despite introducing some reforms in 2021-2022, such as lifting bans on opposition rallies, recent signs suggest Hassan is retreating from democratic commitments, with Lissu’s arrest seen as part of a strategy to suppress opposition ahead of the October 2025 elections.

Zitto Kabwe, a leading figure in ACT Wazalendo, Tanzania’s second-largest opposition party, has expressed his concern over Lissu’s arrest. “Tundu Lissu’s case is a test for Tanzania’s democratic credentials under President Samia. How the courts handle it will be closely watched, both locally and internationally.” Unlike Chadema, ACT Wazalendo did (with reservations) sign the electoral code of conduct.

John Heche, the vice-chair of Chadema, defended Lissu’s campaign for electoral reform, invoking Tanzania’s founding president: “Mwalimu Nyerere said that Tanzanian youth should rebel against oppressive systems. What is the problem with rebelling against people who steal elections, against elections being stolen?”

John Mnyika, the party’s secretary general said: “They may silence Lissu for a day, but they cannot silence the will of the people forever.”

The party has also released official statements on the case. “The arrest of the Chairman of Chadema, Tundu Lissu, is a clear signal by the Samia and CCM regime that they do not respect the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania that declares Tanzania to be a multiparty democracy.”

Religious leaders in Tanzania have actively commented on Tundu Lissu’s arrest and the broader state of Tanzania’s democracy, expressing alarm over democratic backsliding and human rights violations. On April 20, 2025, the TEC, representing Catholic bishops, issued a statement calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Lissu and other detained political leaders, emphasizing that such actions are essential for preserving national peace ahead of the October 2025 elections.

The European Parliament and Amnesty International have called for Lissu’s immediate release, condemning his arrest as politically motivated and urging Tanzania to uphold freedom of expression and assembly. On May 8, the EU Parliament passed a resolution condemning Lissu’s arrest and expressing “grave concern over the charges against him, which appear to be politically motivated and carry the risk of capital punishment.” It called for his “immediate and unconditional release,” ensuring his safety and right to a fair trial and legal representation. The resolution also urged Tanzania to respect democratic principles and allow opposition parties to operate freely.

A backlash to the backlash?

Father Charles Kitima, secretary general of the TEC (Tanzania Episcopal Conference), who was attacked in April

Father Charles Kitima, secretary general of the TEC and a longstanding critic of human rights abuses, was attacked on April 30, 2025 at the TEC headquarters in Kurasini, Dar es Salaam, by unknown assailants. It has been widely alleged that this was in retaliation for his outspoken stance. He had criticised the government’s actions, including Lissu’s detention, as “unlawful”, and linked Lissu’s arrest to broader electoral malpractices. “Stealing citizens’ votes, introducing fake or invalid ballots, and declaring someone who did not receive the majority of votes, while ignoring the rightful winner, that is evil, and it is the work of the devil.”

In a social media video recorded just hours before he was attacked, Kitima criticized “lawlessness” in Tanzania’s political system, urging the government to address electoral injustices to ensure free and fair polls. Following his attack, he relayed a message urging Tanzanians to “stand firm in defending fundamental national issues” and “not be afraid to pay the price for upholding justice and our national responsibilities.”

Opposition leaders condemned the attack, including Chadema’s John Heche who described it as “bad news for the country” and ACT Wazalendo’s Dorothy Semu who said it was “shocking and disturbing”. She questioned whether an ordinary person would attack a prominent religious leader in such a public location.

The government has not directly responded to Kitima’s specific comments on Lissu or electoral reforms, nor has it issued an official comment on the attack on Fr Kitima. However, both President Samia Suluhu Hassan and the Prime Minister Kassim Majaliwa had recently warned religious leaders against using their platforms for political purposes. Just in April, Mr Majaliwa urged religious leaders to focus on moral issues like gender-based violence rather than political matters.

On May 2nd, the EU delegation in Tanzania expressed being “deeply saddened” by the attack, and the US Embassy issued a statement condemning the “shocking and brutal attack.” The EU described Kitima as a “respected voice for civic education, inter-faith dialogue, and a peaceful, inclusive society.” They echoed calls for a “thorough investigation” and wished for Kitima’s speedy recovery, emphasizing his role in promoting democratic values.

Looking to the election
The next issue of Tanzanian Affairs is due out in October, around the time of the next elections. In the meantime, the situation is more than usually tense.

Chadema’s decision effectively to boycott the election means that one of the major players in Tanzanian politics will be sitting on the sidelines. It has also introduced some intra-opposition tension, as the other major opposition party – ACT Wazalendo – with a big presence in Zanzibar has not joined the boycott.

Both decisions are understandable. ACT’s major focus is Zanzibar, where the previous experience of CUF election boycotts has been that this has been ineffective and results only in a party being entirely locked out of power for five years. Party leader, Zitto Kabwe wrote recently that “to boycott these elections would be to hand victory to those who thrive on our silence. Instead, we fight, inspired by warriors of change who turned rigged elections into battlegrounds for justice. And that we will surely do!”

For Chadema, they highlight a situation where two key “referees” – the registrar of political parties and the electoral commission – are far from independent and ask how a meaningful election is possible in such circumstances. The “election code of conduct” appeared to be the immediate cause of their decision not to participate, and the party claims the code was a tool to suppress opposition. Nevertheless, their slogan “no reforms, no election” makes it clear that without significant electoral and/or constitutional reform, they were never likely to make a different choice.

With Chadema sitting things out, CCM faces little opposition. The only other party of significance is ACT-Wazalendo, which lacks Chadema’s organisational strength (with the exception of Zanzibar).

Voter turnout, which fell from 67% in 2015 to 52% in 2020, may fall even further, reflecting growing number who question the point of voting.

Electoral reform, particularly the establishment of a truly independent electoral commission, has been a central demand of opposition parties, civil society, and religious leaders. However, there are no prospects for meaningful reform before October 2025. In February 2024, Parliament passed amendments including the National Electoral Commission Act adding “Independent” to the name of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), making it “INEC” and shifting appointments to a panel chaired by the chief justice. However, these changes have been widely criticised as cosmetic, as the president retains veto power over appointees, and returning officers remain presidential appointees.

In September 2023, the President cited “insufficient time” for constitutional reform before the 2024 local elections, a stance that logically extends to 2025. This was despite a 2022 government task force recommending an independent electoral body and constitutional review. The government’s introduction of bills effectively maintaining the status quo as well as its response to Chadema’s “no reform, no election” campaign, have made it clear that the government has no inclination for change.

President Samia’s initial reforms (initiating cross-party dialogue, lifting rally bans in 2023, etc.) raised hopes for a democratic revival. However, more recent actions, including appointing Magufuli loyalists like Paul Makonda (see Issue 139), the arrest of Lissu and a growing number of apparent disappearances of critics strongly suggest a return to a hardline approach.

Neither domestic advocacy nor international pressure has shifted CCM’s stance, and the party’s ongoing dominance suggests that the official election results are not difficult to forecast. Given the high state of tension, however, as well as widespread anger among opposition party supporters, the broader outcome of the election is much more open. Chadema supporters in particular will have no obvious outlet for their frustrations. Protests and rallies are likely, to which the police response is highly predictable.